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This paper states that German pension policies have taken a new path. After describing the major characteristics of the German post-war pension system, the paper will analyse the major reforms since 1989 and the way they changed and challenged the main characteristics of the pension system. As a next step, the paper will revise the reforms in several different aspects. Firstly it will argue that the way of decision-making changed: the role of the social partners and of inter-party consensus-building diminished; the actors’ constellation became more pluralistic. Secondly, policy change will be discussed in light of Peter Hall’s concept, concluding that a policy paradigm change took place - incrementally. Thirdly, against the background of Esping- Andersen’s welfare typologies, it will argue that there is an initial shift (especially in ideas) from a conservative pension model towards a liberal one.
Health care reforms carried out in Poland since 1990 have led to the decentralization of ownership and financial and management responsibility of health care establishments; privatization of health care providers; stronger reliance on private expenditure on health care with rising out-of-pocket and informal payments; exclusion of some services from the package of universal health services; and restricted access to some health services in form of waiting lists.1 Even though the official aim of the reforms was to preserve a state guaranteed egalitarian health care system while ensuring optimal use of resources by the introduction of market-type mechanisms, smaller than expected gains in efficiency, together with demographic and technological pressure on health care costs and a political and economic climate unable to significantly increase public spending, resulted in a more privatized and unequal system than intended.2 Hence, the reforms of the health system as part of the general transformation of the economy and the welfare state illustrate a shift towards a hybrid “post-communist European type”3 of welfare state which has inherited some features of the socialist regime, but is increasingly shaped by liberal ideas.
The Future of Labour
(2010)
The world of labour has undergone tremendous changes throughout the last years. Globalisation, de-industrialisation and the constant change of labour environments are posing challenges to labour markets. Schlossplatz3 discusses a number of these challenges and will show different angles of how "The Future of Labour" can be incorporated in policy discourse and policy-making.
Crisis
(2009)
Crisis as an omnipresent part of our daily lives has become engrained in our mindsets. We should, however, not resort to apathy, but instead attempt to differentiate between those issues sold to us as crises. The new Schlossplatz³ issue shows how crises are managed in various examples and how they can serve as instances of learning.
Citizenship
(2009)
The turn of the century has witnessed the beginning of a new era in international politics. What are the implications for citizenship, an institution that, like few others, defines who we are and how we organise political life? This issue of Schlossplatz³ provides a snapshot of the ongoing debate on the past and future of citizenship.
Water
(2008)
Cities
(2008)
The second issue of Schlossplatz³ tackles a complex concept: Security. It does so in a way which perfectly emphasises the approach that HSoG tries to embody in its teaching of and research on public policy. It reminds us of the intricacies and challenges that need to be confronted by all modern public policies.
As public power is increasingly exercised in structures of global governance, principles of domestic law and politics are extended to the global level, with serious repercussions for the structure of international law. Yet, as this article seeks to show for the emerging global administrative law, this extension is often problematic. Using administrative law mechanisms to enhance the accountability of global regulation faces the problem of fundamental contestation over the question of to whom global governance should be accountable. National, international and cosmopolitan constituencies are competing for primacy, and this results in an often disorderly interplay of accountability mechanisms at different levels and in different regimes. This pluralist structure, based on pragmatic accommodation rather than clear decisions, strongly contrasts with the ideals of coherence and unity in modern constitutionalism and domestic administrative law. However, given the structure of global society, it is likely to endure and it is also normatively preferable to alternative, constitutionalist approaches. It helps avoid the friction that may result from a federal-type distribution of powers and the practical problems of a consociational order, and by denying all constituencies primacy it reflects the legitimacy deficits of each of them. Mirroring divergent views on the right scope of the political order, it also respects everybody’s equal right to political participation. A pluralist global administrative law thus presents an alternative to problematic domestic models for ensuring accountability in the circumstances of global governance.
This study provides recommendations to the German Federal Health Ministry (BMG) for positioning itself with respect to the multitude of actors involved in international HIV/AIDS policy in Eastern Europe, in particular in the Ukraine, the Russian Federation and Estonia. A particular focus is placed on different coordination mechanisms, whereby the benefits and costs of the coordination strategies are analysed in terms of their effectiveness, efficiency and sustainability. The study concludes that different countries not only require different HIV/AIDS policies, but also require different coordination strategies. Estonia, Russia and the Ukraine require not only different policies in terms of the comprehensiveness of policies. Engagement in the three countries also needs to differ with regard to the time horizon (short or long term) and whether existing networks can or should be used. The most comprehensive engagement of the BMG is recommended for the Ukraine, the least for Estonia.
Universal Old Age Pensions : arguments at time of introduction in Canada, Mauritius and Norway
(2007)
If combating poverty is a major political goal of social policy, and combating poverty among the old population in particular, what type of old age pension or income support policies are preferable? What is the status of knowledge as to the effects of various designs of pension programmes? Studies indicate that universal old age pension programmes are conducive to poverty alleviation and less income inequality, but strikingly few countries have introduced universal pension programmes since New Zealand as the first country in the world introduced such a scheme in 1938. We wonder what arguments were expressed and were decisive for the introduction of the universal schemes that after all exist, and a first analysis of the basic arguments for establishing universal old age pensions in three selected countries is made. The three countries are Canada, Mauritius and Norway which all introduced universal pensions in the 1950s, and belong to the group of pioneering countries in this respect. Even if an idea of a “one-size-fits-all” policy is not necessarily subscribed to, it is of interest to do a comparison of arguments for one specific policy solution, universal pensions, in countries belonging to different continents, existing in different international contexts, having different cultures and traditions, being at different levels of economic development, having different political history, and which are different in territorial and population size. An overview of pension systems in all countries of the world is given, and the historical arguments for universal pension systems in the three elected countries are presented and compared. One finding is that the ambition to reduce poverty was an important motivation in two of the countries, but the main consideration cutting across all three countries was the moral aversion to means testing and the desire to respect human dignity. Another argument found in all three countries was the pragmatic one that a universal scheme would lead to a reduction of administrative
cost of old age provision.
Der vorliegende Beitrag untersucht vor dem Hintergrund des anstehenden Haushaltsnotlagenverfahrens des Landes Berlin die Frage, ob sich Berlin in einer extremen Haushaltsnotlage befindet. Hierzu wird zunächst die Entwicklung der Berliner Finanzlage seit der Wende ausführlich untersucht, wobei ein zentrales Augenmerk der Frage gilt, ob und in welchem Umfang das Land Berlin Eigenanstrengungen zur Bewältigung seine Haushaltsnotlage erbracht hat. Diesbezüglich zeigen unsere Berechnungen, dass Berlin insbesondere in der jüngsten Vergangenheit - ausgehend allerdings von einem deutlich überhöhten Ausgabenniveau - erhebliche Eigensanierungsleistungen bislang erbracht hat. In einem weiteren Schritt wird basierend auf Nachhaltigkeitsmodellen die Frage untersucht, ob Berlin in der Lage ist aus eigener Kraft eine nachhaltige Finanzpolitik zu betreiben, ohne Gefahr zu laufen seinen Aufgabenverpflichtungen nicht mehr nachkommen zu können. Letzteres wird gemessen an einer Primärausgabenuntergrenze, d.h. an einem Pro-Kopf- Primärausgabenniveau des Landes Berlin im Vergleich zum Durchschnitt der alten Länder. Als Nachhaltigkeitsziel wird eine Stabilisierung der Schuldenquote auf dem Niveau des Jahres 2004 vorgegeben. Die Untersuchungen zeigen, dass Berlin ohne fremde Hilfe eine solche Nachhaltigkeitspolitik nicht betreiben kann und daher - allerdings unter erheblichen weiteren Eigenanstrengungen - auf Hilfe durch die Solidargemeinschaft angewiesen ist. Ergänzend nimmt der Beitrag ausführlich zum Problem der Haushaltsnotlagenprävention Stellung. Angemahnt wird, die vom Bundesverfassungsgericht bereits im Jahr 1992 eingeforderte Regelungen zur Verhinderung von Haushaltsnotlagen umzusetzen.
Immer mehr Länder blicken auf eine desolate Finanzsituation und steuern auf eine Haushaltsnotlage zu. Vor dem Bundesverfassungsgericht sind derzeit zwei Klagen zu dieser Thematik anhängig. Die Regelung eines Haushaltsnotlagenregimes ist also dringend geboten. Der Beitrag zeigt diese Regelungsbedürftigkeit auf und beschäftigt sich mit der Frage, wie ein solches Haushaltsnotlagenregime rechtlich ausgestaltet sein könnte. Aus governancetheoretischer Perspektive wird dabei zunächst die besondere Bedeutung der Finanzverfassung im föderalistischen System beleuchtet und insbesondere die Regelungsebene zwischen der Verfassung und dem einfachen Gesetz in den Blick genommen. Als Regelungsform in dieser Zwischenebene wird der Erlass eines Haushaltsnotlagen-Grundsätzegesetzes vorgeschlagen, das drei zentrale Aspekte zu behandeln hätte: die Prävention und die Feststellung einer Haushaltsnotlage sowie die Haushaltssanierung. Für den eigentlichen Sanierungsvorgang bedarf es des Abschlusses eines Sanierungsvertrags, mit dessen konkreter Ausgestaltung Bedenken gegen Souveränitätsverluste begegnet werden kann.
„Governance Schools“ lassen sich als multidisziplinäre, praxisorientierte Ausbildungseinrichtungen verstehen, die Studierende unmittelbar für den Berufsalltag in einem weit verstandenen Feld von „Politik“ in Staat, Wirtschaft und Zivilgesellschaft qualifizieren wollen. Bildungspolitisch stellen sie keine Konkurrenz, sondern eine Ergänzung zu den stärker wissenschaftlich-disziplinären Angeboten der öffentlichen Universitäten dar und können dabei allenfalls den Anspruch erheben, ein wenig „Hefe“ im derzeit – aus guten Gründen – stark gärenden „Teig“ der deutschen Bildungslandschaft zu sein. Gleichwohl könnten Governance Schools als Hochschulen mit großer Autonomie als Impulsgeber in der gegenwärtigen Reformdiskussion fungieren. Hinsichtlich der möglichen Effekte auf die Elitenrekrutierung sollten Governance Schools angesichts des derzeitigen Standes der Zugangsstrukturen insbesondere zu öffentlichen Leitungspositionen in Deutschland nicht dramatisiert werden. Statt der befürchteten, selbstreferentiellen Abschottung politischer Eliten mit homogenen Ausbildungshintergrund können sie u.U. sogar dem Leistungsprinzip Vorschub leisten, dass sowohl unter Effektivitäts- als auch unter Legitimitätsgesichtspunkten zu einer Verbesserung gegenüber dem Status quo führt. Angesichts der noch immer in den meisten Bereichen existierenden Juristendominanz und der zentralen Rolle der Parteien in der Elitenrekrutierung wollen „Governance Schools“ in Deutschland zunächst andere Vereinseitigungen der politischen Elitenrekrutierung aufbrechen. Der Blick auf die negativen Auswüchse von „Schulen der Macht“ in anderen Ländern Europas macht gleichwohl deutlich, dass erstens eine Umkehrung der Verhältnisse im Sinne eines fast vollständigen Monopols der Elitenausbildung durch entsprechende Einrichtungen nicht wünschenswert sein kann und dass zweitens den Aufnahmeverfahren besondere Aufmerksamkeit zu widmen ist, um den Offenheitsanspruch des Leistungsprinzips in der Elitenrekrutierung aufrecht zu erhalten.
(Good) Governance, which has become something of a catch-all phrase to describe what governments, business and civil society have to do and to achieve, depends on the crucial interaction between all players in a given society (and on the international level) has becom the focal topic of this first issue.
"A review of both the expenditure and revenue sides of the EU budget – with no taboos – was agreed as part of the 2005 settlement of the EU budget for the period 2007-13. This study is intended to inform debate on the revenue side. It investigates two main questions: how well does the current system for raising revenue for the EU budget function; and how could it be improved. [...]"