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Foundations play an essential part in the philanthropic activity that defines so much of American life. No other nation provides its foundations with so much autonomy and freedom of action as does the United States. Liberated both from the daily discipline of the market and from direct control by government, American foundations understandably attract great attention. As David Hammack and Helmut Anheier note in this volume, "Americans have criticized foundations for... their alleged conservatism, liberalism, elitism, radicalism, devotion to religious tradition, hostility to religion —in short, for commitments to causes whose significance can be measured, in part, by the controversies they provoke. Americans have also criticized foundations for ineffectiveness and even foolishness."
Their size alone conveys some sense of the significance of American foundations, whose assets amounted to over $530 billion in 2008 despite a dramatic decline of almost 22 percent in the previous year. And in 2008 foundation grants totaled over $45 billion. But what roles have foundations actually played over time, and what distinctive roles do they fill today? How have they shaped American society, how much difference do they make? What roles are foundations likely to play in the future?
This comprehensive volume, the product of a three-year project supported by the Aspen Institute's program on the Nonprofit Sector and Philanthropy, provides the most thorough effort ever to assess the impact and significance of the nation's large foundations. In it, leading researchers explore how foundations have shaped —or failed to shape —each of the key fields of foundation work.
American Foundations takes the reader on a wide-ranging tour, evaluating foundation efforts in education, scientific and medical research, health care, social welfare, international relations, arts and culture, religion, and social change.
The term governance has been used in many contexts and meanings. This paper assesses three logics of control widely associated with governance, namely multi-level governance, the regulatory state and performance management. It questions to what extent these logics are present, are reinforcing or are mutually self-destructive in their effects. This paper explores the field of meat inspection as a critical aspect of the Europeanized food safety regime and concentrates on the cases of Denmark and Germany. The paper concludes that the three logics of control's effects are interactive and that, far from being mutually reinforcing, the various logics are mutually self-destructive and destabilizing.
Die Auseinandersetzungen um Stuttgart 21, Castortransporte, Schulreformen oder Rauchverbote zeigen eines: Das Bedürfnis der Bürgerinnen und Bürger nach politischer Mitsprache und Mitentscheidung ist in den letzten Jahren stark gestiegen. Gleichzeitig verlieren gewohnte politische Lösungskonzepte in einer zunehmend komplexen Welt an Wirkung, wodurch auch die klassische expertenbasierte Politikberatung immer mehr an ihre Grenzen stößt. So kann sich Politik in einer modernen Netzwerkgesellschaft mit seinen dezentralen Wissensressourcen nicht mehr allein durch die Fachexpertise von Think-Tanks, Universitäten, Agenturen und Unternehmensberatungen legitimieren. Neue Formen der Bürgerbeteiligung bieten schließlich auch neue Chancen der Problemlösung und Entscheidungsakzeptanz. Kurz: Auch die Gesellschaft will und kann die Politik erfolgreich beraten.
Politikberatungsforschung
(2010)
Die Verfasser stellen den state of the art im Bereich der Politikberatungsforschung dar. Nach einer Einführung in das Themengebiet und einer Skizze der konzeptionellen und theoretischen Zugänge werden die inhaltliche Beratung (policy advice) und die Beratung, die den politischen Prozess betrifft (political consulting), skizziert. Für beide Spielarten der Politikberatung werden anhand eines beispielhaften Bereichs zentrale Akteure und Handlungsfelder identifiziert und mittels klassischer und aktueller Forschungsarbeiten sowie anderer Schlüsseltexte skizziert. Hinsichtlich des policy advice werden die Beratungsstrukturen der Exekutiven auf Bundes- und Länderebene sowie ausgewählte externe Beratungseinrichtungen berücksichtigt, für das political consulting die zunehmenden Angebote an kommerzieller Kommunikationsberatung ausgewählt. Ein Resümee skizziert auf dieser Basis die Gegenwart und Zukunft der Politikberatungsforschung anhand von Forschungskontroversen, Forschungs- und Wissenslücken sowie Forschungsdesideraten.
Welfare State Formation in the Enlarged European Union: Patterns of Reform in Postcommunist States
(2007)
Eastern Enlargement of the European Union challenged the design of European Welfare states. Many authors discuss the impact of East European social security systems on their West European counterparts and fear a “race to the bottom”. This paper addresses welfare state developments in the eight post-socialist new member states which completed the accession process in 2004, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, and Slovenia (EU-8). We focus on institutional patterns and performance as well as on the impact of internal and external actors of welfare state formation. How do the EU-8 diverge from West European welfare states and how do they fit into the typology of welfare state regimes?
Dass der Sozialstaat in seiner gegenwärtigen Form ein Auslaufmodell ist, darüber besteht mittlerweile weitgehend Konsens. Über die Alternativen wird noch gestritten. Zu den wohl provokantesten Alternativen gehört das Modell der Teilhabegesellschaft: Jeder junge Bürger soll mit 18 Jahren als Startkapital eine steuerfinanzierte Sozialerbschaft von 60 000 Euro erhalten. So soll ihr oder ihm die Chance eröffnet werden, seines eigenen Glückes Schmied zu sein. Die Finanzierung erfolgt aus der Besteuerung von Vermögen und Erbschaften. Die Autoren haben das in den USA entwickelte Modell auf die deutschen Verhältnisse übertragen und durchgerechnet. In einem Anhang nehmen gesellschaftspolitische Vordenker aus Politik und Wissenschaft zu dem Vorschlag Stellung: Warnfried Dettling (CDU), Thomas Meyer (SPD), Ralf Fücks (Bündnis 90/Die Grünen), Katja Kipping (PDS), Jens Beckert (MPI Köln), Gert Wagner (DIW), Hildegard Nickel (Humboldt-Universität) und Wolfgang Schröder (IG Metall).
This article studies comparatively the property restitution policies of Eastern and Western Balkan countries, focusing mostly on internal and external constraints to a permanent solution. The role of the European Court of Human Rights is analyzed in depth, as well as the subtle shift of policy of the EU institutions from the earlier Eastern Balkan accession to the Western Balkans one. While the situation of property restitution in South-Eastern Europe provides clear evidence that Europeanization helps transformation, particularly if the EU openly assumes the role of a transformation agent, it also highlights the limits of its power.
While many histories of the Balkans have been published, some very good and others poor, there is as yet no history of institutions in the Balkans. This is what the contributors to Ottomans into European offer the reader: a history of the most salient political institutions of the region: bureaucracies, judiciaries, democratic elections, free media, local and central government - and their frequently strained relations with traditional institutions. They also examine the selection, evolution, and performance of institutions in the post-Ottoman Balkans, and try to account for variations throughout the region. In writing this institutional history of the Balkans the contributors set themselves two key questions: did the post-Ottoman wave of Europeanization and Western-type institution building fail in the Balkans, and does this explain the region's continuing political fragility? And if this is the case, are there underlying structural determinants explaining that failure which might manifest themselves again in present attempts to re-integrate the region, from Turkey to Albania?
How does regime type affect the poor? Are certain types of regimes better at translating economic growth into consumption for the world's least privileged citizens? We propose an alternative measure of transfers to the poor that is nearly universally available and innately captures distribution: average daily calorie consumption. In sharp contrast to the consumption of material goods or the accumulation of wealth for which humans have shown no upper bound on their ability to achieve, biological limits make it impossible for a small number of individuals to consume most of a nation's calories. Democracies and hybrid regimes—which combine elements of autocracy and democracy—are better at translating economic growth into total calorie consumption than autocracies and perform strikingly similarly in this regard; democracies outperform both hybrid regimes and autocracies, however, in converting growth into higher quality calories from animal sources.