FG Denkmalpflege
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Die Revolution von 1848/49 stellte die Habsburgermonarchie vor existentielle Herausforderungen. Nur mit militärischer Gewalt konnte dieser Staat zusammengehalten und die habsburgische Herrschaft im Inneren gesichert werden. Die folgenden Jahre waren gekennzeichnet von einer überragenden Stellung des Militärs und einer umfassenden Modernisierung des habsburgischen Staates.
Frank Rochow zeigt an Fallstudien zu Lemberg und Krakau, dass Befestigungsbauten nicht nur Ausdruck, sondern auch ein wesentliches Instrument zur Umsetzung dieses Prozesses waren. Über die detaillierte Analyse der Planungs- und Realisierungsgeschichte der Bauprojekte arbeitet er die Mechanismen heraus, mit denen der habsburgische Staat versuchte, sein Territorium gegen polnische Unabhängigkeitsbestrebungen zu behaupten und flächendeckend zu durchdringen. Die Unzulänglichkeiten des habsburgischen Verwaltungsapparates und die Herausforderungen durch lokale Akteur:innen setzten diesem Herrschaftsanspruch jedoch Grenzen, deren genauer Verlauf in der Interaktion vor Ort immer wieder neu ausgehandelt wurde. Daraus ergibt sich ein dynamisches Bild staatlicher Herrschaft zu einem kritischen Zeitpunkt des habsburgischen Staatsbildungsprozesses.
The role of the Byzantine legacy in the construction of Turkish national identity and in the definition of “national legacy” has remained a contested issue. One of the most problematic issues regarding the construction of Turkish history during the early Republican period was the question of how to integrate the Byzantine past.
Political ideology in government has always influenced the management of Byzantine heritage, execution of restoration projects, changes in the use of monuments, and even the organization of scientific meetings. These highly politicized approaches have not only been dominating Byzantine heritage but also played a significant role for decades in the cultural heritage field in Turkey.
The 10th International Congress of Byzantine Studies (ICBS) in 1955, the first in Istanbul, was a major step in the protection of the Byzantine heritage of Istanbul. The Turkish government initiated a large-scale restoration campaign that involved all the major Byzantine monuments of Istanbul. Preparations for the congress were discussed at the Grand National Assembly of Turkey.
After 66 years, the 24th ICBS was planned to take place in 2021, its second time in Istanbul. However, the conversion of Hagia Sophia of Istanbul into a mosque in July 2020 was the “final straw” after a series of decisions related to the conversions of Hagia Sophias of Iznik and Trabzon. A week after this action, the International Association of Byzantine Studies made a new declaration stating the congress would no longer be held in Istanbul, due to concerns related to “issues of heritage management”.
Focusing on these congresses as case studies, this chapter discusses the changes, transformations, and (in)consistencies in the political approach to Byzantine-built heritage in Istanbul, Turkey. These case studies bear the potential to demonstrate disputes around the iconic monuments of Byzantine heritage and contextualize both the similarities and the contrasts in the political and institutional efforts to preserve the Byzantine heritage.
Discovering and Preserving Byzantine Constantinople: Archaeology and Heritage Policies in Istanbul
(2022)
The paper presents an overview of the archaeology and heritage policies in Istanbul focusing on the physical remains of Byzantine Constantinople. The first part discusses the archaeological excavations conducted in Istanbul over the past century, during which the Byzantine archaeology of Istanbul began to be institutionalised as a scientific field and excavations were systematically recorded. A particular focus is given to the recent and lesser-known excavation projects. In the second part of the paper, the local authorities’ approaches towards architectural heritage and conservation practices of the Byzantine monuments and architectural remains in Istanbul are analysed in order to scru- tinise the contextualisation of this urban architectural heritage and elucidate how they were viewed in the past century by the various politically diverse Turkish governments.
Tattoo taboo. A reader
(2020)
The role of architectural heritage in the discourse and practice of the populist far right is examined, referring to examples in Germany and focusing on the Alternative für Deutschland. The findings reveal that the Alternative für Deutschland appropriates historic buildings and sites in a number of ways, including visual and oral rhetoric and embodied performance, and instrumentalizes them to specific ends. Built heritage in particular serves to naturalize and therefore to legitimize and authorize populist positions by anchoring them not only in time but also at places, thus reinforcing populism’s exclusionary logic along territorial lines – including those describing the space of ‘European civilization’. This implies challenges for heritage professionals and institutions, as actors such as the Alternative für Deutschland attempt to map the notion of a national or a civilizational ‘Heartland’ onto existing heritage objects and sites or else engage in ‘making’ heritage in the urban environment.
In German conservation, the criteria and the system of values applied in assessing the significance of historic buildings and ensembles is often unable to capture the wider range of artefacts from the past that hold meaning for 'heritage communities'. These artefacts are often 'mundane' and their importance lies less in their architectural qualities than in their function as a 'substrate' for the personal stories and memories shared by the community. From the perspective of conservation authorities, they therefore remain "below the threshold of significance for a 'monument'" and tend not to be accorded protected status, with the result that they often disappear. The shift from an object-centered to a people-centered understanding of heritage which is taking place in wider international discourses, however, is now challenging the German conservation field to recognize the processes by which people create meaning and to formulate approaches to assessing value that take heritage communities and their practices into account.
This challenge is examined with reference to decommissioned Allied military bases in Germany and the close-knit and active heritage communities that are gathered around them. Many of these are 'virtual communities' comprised of former servicemen and women who perform their memory-work in online fora and thus play little role in discussions of significance that take place locally. It is proposed that conservationists incorporate the interrogation of these and other groups into their assessment procedures. The suggestion is that a 'hybrid' approach of investigating both buildings and people might reveal different thresholds of significance, and thereby define a body of heritage that is more socially relevant and of greater potential benefit to communities.
Exploring the Avalokiteshvara Temple: Investigating its characteristics and conservation State
(2021)
Jewel on the Ridge: Ancient wall painting materials and techniques in the Avalokiteshvara temple
(2021)
Conservation decoded
(2016)
Zur Klausur in die Wüste
(2015)
All mapped out
(2019)
This chapter explores the role that Aleppo’s built heritage has played in mediating social change during the conflict, reflecting upon a period that stretches from Syrian independence in 1946 up to the present day. 3 By using a variety of scholarly resources that discuss these changes in Aleppo, interviews with experts and locals, UNESCO reports, local and international news agencies and even comments from social media, this chapter traces transformations of Aleppo’s heritage before and during the war as well as the changes in perceptions of heritage by the Aleppines. The chapter argues that the city’s socio- spatial polarisation to east and west dates from a period long before the war, and furthermore that heritage contributed to the division of Aleppo in some respects, while in other ways it brought its residents together.
The wave of popular unrest in the Arab world reached Syria in March 2011, and what started as peaceful demonstrations with simple demands of justice and freedom turned into a brutal armed conflict and a full-scale civil war. Over seven years of conflict resulted in the deaths of over half a million Syrians, the forced displacement of millions more, and a huge loss of the country’s social and physical structures. What began as another Arab Spring movement against a dictatorial regime has turned into a proxy war that has attracted the interests of the world and regional powers. The paper discusses Syria’s political history and investigates the motives for the Syrian uprising and argues that it is related to socio-economic deprivations rather than sectarianism. The work underlines the interests of the countries involved in the Syrian conflict focusing on Russia, USA, Iran, and Turkey, as well as their contribution to the future reconstruction of the country.
Over the past few years, the Syrian regime and its allies targeted many cities and destroyed opposition-held neighborhoods. The work considers if this destruction was part of an overall strategy adopted by the al-Assad regime to terrorize those who opposed it and change Syria demographically, examining the new laws issued by the government to transfer public properties into the hands of its loyal businessmen factions, as in the case of the reconstruction project in the city of Homs.
Seven years of war exhausted Syria’s financial stocks, and the country (and in turn the regime) is suffering the consequences of military spending. But like any other war, destruction is also a great opportunity to generate money through reconstruction and growth. It is a “win-win situation”; the regime will use the fund designated for reviving the country to its own benefit, gaining future profits. Already invested in the conflict, involved countries will be part of the reconstruction process to secure their presence and control in Syria. United Nations agencies like UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) and UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) are working closely with the Syrian regime and its governmental representatives. This research examines their involvement and how their ‘humanitarian mission’ is being exploited to prop up the al-Assad regime.
The destructive effects of war, and particularly the deliberate targeting of cultural sites, constitute an exceptional challenge for Heritage Conservation. The general principles of retaining cultural significance by continuous care and by minimal intervention may seem of little use when one is faced with catastrophic and wide-spread damage to culturally significant places – be they individual monuments, urban structures or archaeological sites. Post-conflict recovery encompasses a wide range of topics, many of which have not yet been studied in depth.
This puplication presents papers presented during the conference on »Cultural Heritage in Post-Conflict Recovery«. The conference, held in December 2016 was the fourth out of the series »Heritage Conservation and Site Management«, initiated both by BTU Cottbus–Senftenberg and Helwan University Cairo. The conference series is linked to their Joint Master Programme »Heritage Conservation and Site Management«. Adressing the subject of Post-Conflict Recovery, BTU Cottbus–Senftenberg and Helwan University Cairo are taking a first step towards sketching the scope and the depth of the problems of Heritage and War. Speakers from many countries are providing insights into approaches to cope with these problems.zeige weniger
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