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Grenzregionen in der COVID-19-Pandemie : wie der „Grenzschock“ die Oberrheinregion veränderte
(2024)
Am Beispiel der trinationalen Oberrheinregion geht dieser Artikel der Frage nach, auf welche Weise sich die im Zuge der COVID-19-Pandemie im Jahr 2020 vollzogenen Grenzschließungen und die damit verbundenen Grenzerfahrungen auf die grenzüberschreitenden Beziehungen von lokalen Akteur*innen in Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft ausgewirkt haben. Anhand qualitativer Interviewdaten zeigen wir, wie dieser pandemiebedingte „Grenzschock“ aufgenommen und der grenzüberschreitende politische und soziale Zusammenhalt auf die Probe gestellt wurde, wie aber auch die Zusammenarbeit nach einer Zeit der Irritation an die neue Situation angepasst werden konnte. Dabei befand sich die grenzüberschreitende Zusammenarbeit in dieser Zeit in einem Spannungsfeld zwischen politisch-administrativen Vorgaben der jeweiligen nationalen Zentren und den lokal spezifischen Anforderungen einer peripher gelegenen Grenzregion. Die Daten zeigen, dass die Akteur*innen in der Oberrheinregion bei der Überwindung dieses „Grenzschocks“ auf langjährig etablierte Strukturen und Erfahrungen in der grenzüberschreitenden Zusammenarbeit zurückgreifen konnten. Die Erfahrungen während der Pandemie sorgten dabei zudem für neue Impulse für die grenzüberschreitende Zusammenarbeit in der Oberrheinregion und stärkten den politischen Willen dafür auf verschiedenen Ebenen. Damit leistet der Artikel einen explorativen Beitrag zu den Auswirkungen der COVID-19-Pandemie auf Grenzregionen.
In foreign policy dyads characterized by enmity, mutual desecuritization can serve as a crucial asset for détente. But how does “the way out of the emergency mode” function, considering mutual securitizations over decades? Embarking from theoretical insights provided by second generation scholars on securitization and desecuritization studies, the authors generate a theory-based model of détente for dyads. This analytical tool contributes to the study of the dissolution of historically grown, mutual (re-)securitization processes in interstate relations. By clarifying the impact and functioning of the four desecuritizing modes (replacement, silencing, change through stabilization, and rearticulation), our model allows us to trace dynamics of change and assess the sustainability of détente. Especially mutual desecuritization as rearticulation has the potential to substantially change the self-other relation with effects on the social structure of a foreign policy dyad. The heuristic case study of US-Cuban relations serves as a prime example of a complex dyad of enmity which became a subject of change due to the Obama–Castro diplomacy in 2014. The study on US-Cuban foreign policy issues before and after 2014 helps to sharpen our understanding of dynamic securitization and desecuritization processes. The overall analysis demonstrates that the modes of desecuritization during the Obama–Castro diplomacy lifted the process of détente to a new and unprecedented level.
The emergence of change in the global energy governance structure is precipitated by the shift in global energy technology. The shift from carbon-intense energy to cleaner sources surpasses technological discontinuation. The inter-regional, regional, and sub-regional grouping emerged in global energy governance to support governance capabilities across countries. This research seeks to investigate the inter-regional partnership between Africa and the European Union initiated to facilitate energy decision-making. This study adopts thematic analysis to explore literature and reports on the Africa-EU partnership to understand its impact on the future of the African energy sector. This research argues using a neo-liberal lens that the limited state capacity in energy governance may necessitate inter-regional partnerships to aid energy sector development in Africa. The study concludes that considering Africa's potential in renewable energy sources such as solar irradiation and the limited energy access in the Sub-Saharan region, intervention of external capabilities through technological and financial aids may stimulate the utilization of such potential.
This thesis is concerned with proposals that aimed at transforming or reforming the English-speaking world so that it could continue to dominate the world in the future. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, these ideas emerged from the discourse of Anglo-Saxonism that represented the Anglo-Saxon ‘race’ as the most developed ‘race’ in the world which could, therefore, ‘legitimately’ rule the world. In the later 20th century, an Atlantic discourse developed, which appeared to address further nations in the group of world leaders. However, it seems to rely on similar discursive elements as Anglo-Saxonism, which only includes the English-speaking world. The construction of the respective discourses is examined in late 19th/early 20th century writings by authors broadly associated with the British Empire as well as in Union Now, a 1939 book by U.S.-American Clarence K. Streit. The latter part presents the focus of this thesis. Streit developed a new concept of a world order in which a world state – the Atlantic Union – was to be established. In a first step, it should only be founded by a nucleus of the 15 ‘leading’ democracies in the world and should subsequently be expanded. In addition to the connection between Anglo-Saxonism and Atlanticism which is investigated in Streit's writings, his network and prominence are analyzed, as are the resolutions Streit's supporters introduced into the U.S. Congress and Streit's stance on imperialism.