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"Was ist Demokratie? [...] Die für die hier durchgeführte Studie relevante Frage ist [...] weniger die einer vertieften Theoriediskussion als die nach der empirischen Praxis. [...] Die in einem bayernweit erhobenen Survey erhaltenen Zeichnungen werden nachfolgend zusammen mit den einer Bildtypenanalyse entstammenden Kodierungen sowie den demographischen Angaben der Urheber:innen präsentiert."
(Aus der Einleitung)
The thesis addresses a current topic related to the foreign policy of Serbia whereby Serbian foreign policy is analysed with reference to its domestic factors - in particular national identity - and also with regards to Serbia’s foreign factors, such as the Europeanization process and the nature of the international system. The overarching focus of the thesis is laid on the following puzzle: in spite of not attaining self-declared foreign policy goals and changing dynamics at the systemic level, Serbia’s foreign policy appear to be stable over time. In each of the five publications comprising the thesis, a narrower aspect of this puzzle is addressed.
Die vorliegende Forschungsdokumentation stellt die in einer Studie ermittelten Bildtypen auf Covern des Compact-Magazins detailliert mittels der ikonographisch-ikonologischen Analyse vor. Vor dem theoretischen Hintergrund des populism by the media kann aufgezeigt werden, dass sich in der visuellen Darstellung von PolitikerInnen auf den Compact-Titelbildern sowohl Variationen in der visuellen Inszenierung der populistischen Dichotomie zwischen ‚Volk‘ und ‚Elite‘ finden als auch die rechtspopulistische Konstruktion eines ethnokulturell homogenen Volkes.
Macht und Legitimität der europäischen Argumentationszusammenhänge haben gelitten. Dennoch zählen Interessen und Ideen in Europa weiter nur dann, wenn sie als Argumente vorgebracht werden. Jenseits des Argumentierens ist Europa unregierbar. Zwei Fragen stehen im Zentrum des Bandes: Was meint Argumentieren? Wie lauten die Argumente Europas?
Mit Aristoteles und Wittgenstein entwickelt der erste Teil eine Methode zur Narration politischer Argumentationszusammenhänge. Der zweite Teil legt eine historische Sprachspieltopik von der Montanunion bis zum Green New Deal vor.
Das Buch ist gleichermaßen interessant für alle mit praktischem Interesse an der EU wie für alle mit sprachphilosophischem Interesse an der Politikwissenschaft.
The nationalism-patriotism distinction is one of the most influential distinctions in the field of political psychology. While frequently used, the distinction suffers from a number of shortcomings that have hitherto been devoted little attention to. This dissertation aims to contribute to fill this research gap by systematically addressing these pitfalls. Notably, it does not abandon the binary distinction as such, but aims to further refine it. Thoroughly revisiting the nationalism-patriotism distinction, it synthesises the field's two predominant research traditions, i.e. the work of Kosterman and Feshbach (1989) in the U.S. and the one of Blank and Schmidt (2003) in Germany, that have not been brought into dialogue. In so doing, and engaging with research on attachment, it calls for a more nuanced triad of attachments: nationalism, that revolves around the nation; patriotism, that refers to the homeland; and democratic patriotism with democracy as its object of attachment. In line with this triad, it introduces a novel three-factor measurement model that has been validated in three studies in Germany. Overall, the dissertation underlines the need to approach ambiguous and complex concepts such as nationalism and patriotism in a more theoretically consistent way before operationalizing them in a rigorous manner.
Dieser Mantelteil gibt einen detaillierten Einblick in das Dissertationsprojekt "Der Critical Realism als Metatheorie der Internationalen Beziehungen" und die darin entwickelten zentralen Argumente. Zudem werden die im Rahmen der Dissertation veröffentlichten Einzelbeiträge vorgestellt und in den Gesamtzusammenhang des Forschungsprojekts eingeordnet.
Germany is considered a role model for dealing with past mass atrocities. In particular, the social reappraisal of the Holocaust is emblematic of this. However, when considering the genocide on the Herero and Nama in present-day Namibia, it is puzzling that an official recognition was only pronounced after almost 120 years, in May 2021. For a long time, silence surrounded this colonial cruelty in German political discourse. Although the discourse on German responsibility toward Namibia emerged after the end of World War II, it initially appeared detached from the genocide. That silence on colonial atrocities is to be considered a cruelty itself. Studies on silence have been expanding and becoming richer. Building on these works, the paper sets two goals: First, it advances the theorization of silence by producing a new typology, which is then integrated into discourse-bound identity theory. Second, it applies this theory to the analysis of the silencing and later acknowledging of the genocide on the Herero and Nama by German political elites. To this end, Bundestag debates, official documents, and statements by relevant political actors are analyzed in the period from 1980 to 2021. The results reveal the dynamics between hegemonic and counter-hegemonic discursive formations, how those are shifting in a period of 40 years, and what role silence plays in it. Beyond our emphasis on the genocide on the Herero and Nama, our findings might benefit future studies as the approach proposed in this paper can make silence a tangible research object for global studies.
With respect to religious motivations for political participation and civic engagement, scholars have set their focus on social capital and the recruiting potential for volunteers inside religious communities. Less attention has been paid to individual religious impulses, but also to reasons for which people step out from deliberative processes, especially in regard to the Eastern European Orthodox cultural context. We are approaching this under-explored research field in this dissertation, with focus on the Romanian city of Timișoara, and look at three particular aspects: the influence of religious perceptions on political protests (analysis of the 1989 revolution), the manner in which religion motivates young people to volunteer (view on a local community project) and factors determining people to retreat from public engagement (analysis of citizens` local committees). The research methods are qualitative - interviews, group discussions and analytical interpretation. Results show that non- or less religious young people are encouraged to protest by an indefinable supernatural force and motivated by moral interests (need for dignity and a fair treatment / procedural justice), more than material ones (distributive justice). When engaging in the community, the impulse partially comes from an intrinsic spirituality and a privatized experience with the divine. Giving up civic engagement has nothing to do with remuneration, but with the need for freedom of expression and moral appreciation.
Netzwerke der Regional Cross-Border Governance haben in der EU insbesondere in den vergangenen zwei Jahrzehnten einen spürbaren Bedeutungszuwachs erfahren. Sie stellen hochkomplexe Governancestrukturen dar und bieten für beteiligte Akteure einen großen Mehrwert. Die EUSDR und EUSALP sind eine weitere Fortentwicklung von RCBG und können in verschiedenen Bereichen nachweisbare Erfolge vorweisen, werden jedoch der hohen im Vorfeld postulierten Erwartungshaltung nicht gerecht. RCBG-Netzwerke und insbesondere die Makroregionalen Strategien tragen in gewisser Weise zu einer territorialen Differenzierung der EU bei, diese sind jedoch noch weit davon entfernt, dass die zum Teil postulierte Erwartungshaltung bezüglich einer „(Makro-)Regionalisierung der EU“ erfüllt wird.
Religion can unite and divide, it can lead to a strengthening or a weakening of identity and legitimacy. Religion can stoke conflicts but it can also pacify them – within societies and in international politics. Religion endures and it can exist independently of states, it can constitute them, and it can provide new forms of states, societies, and empires. Arguably, religion shapes or even constitutes the international society of states, an aspect so far neglected in the field of International Relations. The dissertation provides a new definition of religion for International Relations and the English School in particular. Based upon this understanding of religion, the five publications presented in the dissertation provide new analytical and theoretical concepts and approaches to fill the research gap. Religion is integrated into the theoretical framework of the English School in the form of a “prime institution” and with the help of the “quilt model”. While the former expands the theoretical framework, the latter adds an analytical layer. Based upon this definition religion is also introduced as a concept (“hybrid actorness”) in Foreign Policy Analysis, opening it up to become less state-centrist and more transnational-oriented, thereby boosting its relevance considering the evolving international (global) society. In another step, the Securitization framework of analysis is expanded to include (freedom) of religion. By revisiting the publications, the dissertation is able to identify next steps in terms of avenues of research. Finally, the dissertation reveals areas of study which contribute to increasing the pertinence of IR, particularly of the English School.