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The Transnational News Diets of Russian Speakers in Germany: what news they use and trust (2026)
Ryzhova, Anna
The present cumulative dissertation consists of four articles, and is based on more than 70 semi-structured interviews with the Russian speakers in Germany. Forty two interviews were conducted before of the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and the other twenty nine right after its beginning (out of which I used only twenty five for the final analysis, as I focused only on the Russian speakers, associated with agressor or neutral countries in Russia’s war in Ukraine). The dissertation addresses a variety of issues, related to the media use of the Russian speakers in Germany, which was previously understudied both in general and from political communication perspective (Panagiotidis, 2023). In the strand of migrants and media research, scholars point the following gaps: the lack of political element in studies of how migrants use media (Leurs and Smets, 2018), the lack of studies how homeland and host society media are used simultaneously, not in isolation from each other, and the lack of studies on the influence of homeland media on migrants as such (Ramasubramanian et al., 2017), and finally, communication scholars not using migration studies frameworks in their research on migrants, which leads to fields existing in parallel (Leurs & Smets 2018). This dissertation addresses all these gaps. Being the first study to apply the concepts of “news repertoires” and the latest theorization of “news literacy” for studying the migrant populations, as well as looking in-depth in the mechanisms of trust, I analyze the media diets of Russian speakers in Germany in their entirety, considering the contexts and roles, attributed to the German quality, Russian opposition, Russian state sponsored and other types of media, i.e. not analying them in isolation, and also looking at the motivations to use different media for different domains of their lives. Besides, for analysing the transformations of media diets of the Russian speakers in the aftermath of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, I use the concept of “sense of belonging” to Russia to examine the deep, underlying reasons for why news repertoires of these audiences changed, or did not change in the light of Russia’s war crimes. As for the contribution to the German-language and Germany-focused literature on the Russian speakers, this is the first comprehensive study to scrutinize the media diets of Russian speakers in-depth with a special emphasis on their motivations, political affiliations and differentiating between the media these audiences “use” and the media they “trust”, as previous research on Russian speakers in Germany and their media use was largely focused on integration, largely ignoring the political aspect and Russia’s repetitive attempts to influence Russian speakers abroad (e.g.Hepp et al., 2011) or lacked nuance in their results (e.g. Boris Nemtsov Foundation Survey, which posed questions about “Russian media” without defining what it is, i.e. is that opposition media, Kremlin-sponsored media, etc. Finally, this thesis provides a comprehensive case study of audiences from an authoritarian context (or a former authoritarian context, for those, who migrated from Ukraine, but were socialized in the Soviet Union) who migrated to democracy and their media use, and also sheds light on the spectrum of motivations of audiences abroad to continue consuming media from an authoritarian homeland (in our case, Kremlin-sponsored media), which can provide important foundation for future research on other migrant groups from authoritarian contexts in democracies, such as Chinese migrants in Europe. Among the results of the present dissertation is an article on three types of news repertoires that these audiences have, and how political beliefs underpin them; an article on how they view the “truth” in media and why it is a concept of crucial importance for their news trust patterns; an article on news literacy and how migrant audiences need transnational news literacy knowledge in order to navigate complex media landscapes, in which authoritarian states actively try to reach them with their narratives; and finally, how a major crisis event, such as war in Ukraine, changed (or did not change) the news repertoires of the Russian speaking audiences in Germany and why the “sense of belonging” is at the core of these changes.
The Consequences of Evidence- Versus Non-Evidence-Based Understandings of the “Truth”: How Russian Speakers in Germany Negotiate Trust in Their Transnational News Environments (2024)
Ryzhova, Anna ; Toepfl, Florian
Extant research on migrants’ media use and trust has delivered mixed evidence on whether, and in which ways, migrants stay loyal to their homeland news media and/or develop trust in host-society media, particularly when the narratives of the two types of media clash. To advance this strand of research, this study scrutinizes how an audience group with migration background, who lived the first part of their lives under authoritarian rule but then relocated to a democracy, negotiates trust in their multilingual, transnational news environments. Specifically, we conducted semi-structured interviews with forty-two Russian-speaking first-generation migrants living in Germany in 2021. As we find, distinct understandings of the concept of “truth” played a pivotal role in how our participants negotiated trust in their transnational news environments. We distinguish broadly two understandings of “truth”: (1) “truth” as a category grounded in factual evidence and (2) “truth” as a non-evidence based category grounded in values, emotions, or identities. Illustrative for the second understanding, some participants felt a strong moral obligation to believe Kremlin-sponsored media as they perceived these organizations as representing their homeland, independently of whether their news coverage was factually accurate or not. The two understandings of “truth” also affected how and where participants sought for what they considered the “truth.” In the “Discussion” section, we argue that particularly the non-evidence-based truth-understandings formulated by our participants, and the ensuing truth-seeking strategies are conducive to the reach and persuasive impact of Kremlin-sponsored content among Russian speakers living abroad.
A Manchurian Candidate? The GOP’s Discourse on the Russian War in Ukraine (2024)
Rieger, Eva
The United States has a longstanding tradition regarding its overall foreign policy, in the form of a bipartisan consensus. This includes—among other things—maintaining alliances and curbing the influence of rivals (e.g., Russia). Since this consensus has been in place, traditionally the Republican Party (GOP) has been especially intent on a less cooperative and more containing or deterring stance towards Russia. With former U.S. President Donald Trump, we can see a turning point in this behaviour by the GOP. Trump’s obvious admiration for Russian president Putin and his statements about Putin being overly favourable, while simultaneously questioning NATO and the United States’ commitment to defend Eastern European partners, show a distinctive shift in the GOP’s discourse. This renunciation has subsequently been picked up by parts of the Republican Party, rendering the bipartisan consensus a contested issue. The full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 now constitutes an important external shock influencing said discursive shift. By drawing on discourse-bound identity theory and discourse analysis, the GOP’s discourse regarding Russia and NATO is expected to have (substantially) changed in a kind of Zeitenwende —back towards the bipartisan consensus. This article will, therefore, analyse the statements of prominent Republicans after the Russian invasion, compare them to Trump’s positions on these issues, and identify whether the invasion serves as a formative event that creates an overall shift in rhetoric and positions.
Von Alemann, Ulrich, Nina Basedahl, Gernot Graeßner, und Sabrina Kovacs (2022): Politische Ideen im Wandel der Zeit (2024)
Hidalgo, Oliver
"Einführungen in die Politische Theorie und Ideengeschichte, die auch für Studienanfänger*innen verständlich sind und sich zugleich auf der Höhe des Forschungsstands bewegen, sind nach wie vor eine gehörige Herausforderung. Erschwerend kommt hinzu, dass die gängigen autor*innen-, werk- oder diskurszentrierten Formate allesamt ihre blinden Flecken besitzen. Insofern ist die Lösung, die Ulrich von Alemann, Nina Basedahl, Gernot Graeßner und Sabrina Kovacs gefunden haben und die auf eine Kombination aller drei genannten Ansätze hinausläuft, im Prinzip durchaus zu begrüßen."
Entertainment interspersed with propaganda : how non-legacy-news accounts deliver explicitly political content to mass audiences on Russia’s most popular social network VK (2024)
Kling, Julia ; Töpfl, Florian ; Jürgens, Pascal
Previous research on political communication on Russia's most popular social network VK has concluded that most users avoid news by not following legacy-news accounts. In this study, we expand the universe of scrutinized accounts with the most-followed non-legacy-news accounts (>100,000 followers) that regularly publish what we theorize to be ‘explicitly political content’ (EPC; N = 355). We delineate a typology of six types of EPC accounts, calculate their aggregate follower counts, and determine how many of them were still (1) accessible from Russia and (2) publishing Kremlin-critical content in October 2022. Our findings indicate that non-critical accounts attracted 26 times more followers than Kremlin-critical accounts. Entertainment-focused EPC accounts had seven times more followers than legacy-news accounts. As a result, they became the primary means through which non-critical EPC reached news-avoidant mass audiences. We identify three dimensions through which autocrats can interweave propaganda and entertainment and highlight promising research paths.
From Faking Online Content to Orchestrating Its Creation by Public Workers: Examining Russian Disinformation Production Organisations through Curriculum Vitae Analysis (2013-2024) (2025)
Poliakoff, Serge
This dissertation examines the evolution of Russian digital authoritarianism, focusing on its organisations that produce disinformation, the transition from the Internet Research Agency to the Patriot Media Group and the emergence of ANO Dialog. It shows how the Internet Research Agency operated as a sophisticated "troll farm" during the early stages of the Russo-Ukrainian war, with activities similar to those of a PR firm. The Patriot Media Group absorbed these activities, blurring the lines between media and disinformation and prioritising metrics-driven propaganda over journalistic professionalism. This dissertation identifies the organisation ANO Dialog as a new model, heavily integrated with state structures, combining digital surveillance, repression, and Soviet-style agitation adapted to the digital age. Using a novel methodology of career profile collection and analysis, my research illustrates the institutionalisation and regional expansion of disinformation tactics in Russian digital authoritarianism, highlighting its operational adaptability and evolving infrastructure.
Illusions of sovereignty : understanding populist crowds with Hannah Arendt (2023)
Rensmann, Lars
This article reconstructs Hannah Arendt's theoretical arguments in relation to current authoritarian-populist crowds, which can be understood as organized mobs of the twenty-first century. Drawn from all classes and originating in societal and political disenfranchisement, in Arendt's understanding they are rebellious nihilists who falsely believe they represent the people as a whole while they exclude any citizens who do not share their tribal nationalism and leader worshiping. Illuminating conditions of their emergence, Arendt also helps to elucidate what drives the populist crowds’ illusions about an uncompromising “sovereign will” they and their leaders claim to embody. Such illusions benefit from broader modern trends eroding differences between facts, opinion, truth, and lies. In public environments suffering from destabilized factual truths, organized lies can easily fill a political vacuum generated by crises of political modernity. Unpacking interrelated theoretical trajectories, it is argued that an Arendtian framework can significantly contribute to the study of present-day authoritarian populism.
Mutual desecuritization as a model of détente? Foreign policy change in the US-Cuban dyad (2023)
Felfeli, Anna ; Stahl, Bernhard
In foreign policy dyads characterized by enmity, mutual desecuritization can serve as a crucial asset for détente. But how does “the way out of the emergency mode” function, considering mutual securitizations over decades? Embarking from theoretical insights provided by second generation scholars on securitization and desecuritization studies, the authors generate a theory-based model of détente for dyads. This analytical tool contributes to the study of the dissolution of historically grown, mutual (re-)securitization processes in interstate relations. By clarifying the impact and functioning of the four desecuritizing modes (replacement, silencing, change through stabilization, and rearticulation), our model allows us to trace dynamics of change and assess the sustainability of détente. Especially mutual desecuritization as rearticulation has the potential to substantially change the self-other relation with effects on the social structure of a foreign policy dyad. The heuristic case study of US-Cuban relations serves as a prime example of a complex dyad of enmity which became a subject of change due to the Obama–Castro diplomacy in 2014. The study on US-Cuban foreign policy issues before and after 2014 helps to sharpen our understanding of dynamic securitization and desecuritization processes. The overall analysis demonstrates that the modes of desecuritization during the Obama–Castro diplomacy lifted the process of détente to a new and unprecedented level.
On nation, homeland, and democracy: Toward a novel three-factor measurement model for nationalism and patriotism. Evidence from two representative studies (2023)
Mußotter, Marlene
This article calls for revisiting the predominant yet flawed nationalism-patriotism dichotomy, which has to date remained unchallenged. It advocates for a more nuanced triad: nationalism, exclusively referring to the nation; patriotism, revolving around the homeland; and democratic patriotism, with democracy as its object of attachment. This novel conceptual approach explicitly theorizes these three objects of attachment, which have hitherto rarely been considered. In so doing, the article synthesizes the field's predominant research traditions that have not been fully recognized as diverging nor been simultaneously investigated. By responding to calls for more theoretically robust measures, it not only makes a theoretical but also an empirical contribution to the field. Drawing on data from a representative sample (N = 1875) in Germany in 2022, the study introduces a three-factor measurement model of nationalism, patriotism, and democratic patriotism. Taking into account both the antecedents of the triad and its impact on outgroup hostility, the measures are further validated. To establish its applicability in non-German contexts, the model is additionally supported using data from a representative sample (N = 1164) in Denmark in 2022.
Exploring the distinction between populism through and by the media from a visual perspective: representations of German politicians on magazine covers of Der Spiegel and Compact (2023)
Klumpp, Lorenz
By drawing on a communication-based approach to populism, this article argues that populism research should put more emphasis on the performative and stylistic dimension of the phenomenon, including its visual elements, in different media formats. The study theoretically refers to the distinction of populism through and by the media, which has been discussed to a great extent in populist political communication research. Empirically, the author focuses on visual representations of politicians on the covers of the German news weekly Der Spiegel as well as those of Compact – a far-right alternative magazine. The article argues that political magazines contribute to how the political is imagined, particularly by the visual messages they convey via their front pages. An image type analysis of both magazines’ covers between 2010 and 2020 is conducted (N = 103) in order to explore patterns in the visual representations of German politicians disseminated by the magazines. On the one hand, the comparison of a mainstream and far-right alternative medium enriches the theoretical debate of how populism is strengthened by opportunity structures through the media. On the other hand, the issue of how populism is actively promoted by the media is addressed.
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