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The impact of urban development on local residents in the urban periphery oscillates between processes of empowerment and processes of marginalization as well as between state-controlled order and decentralized self-organization. Consequently local authorities, including urban planners and local residents need to negotiate their respective roles in the production and usage of urban space defined by transition, transformation and ambiguity. Therefore, this work examines the underlying patterns, interactions and structures which define the negotiation of state-society relations in the framework of a porous peri-urban landscape in Vietnam’s secondary cities.
In Chapter 1, peri-urban areas are defined as space of transformation where pattern of rural land use are intertwined with pattern of urban land use to create an urban-rural interface with blurred boundaries. The main characteristic of the spatial pattern in Tam Kỳ and Buôn Ma Thuột is rooted urban porosity leading to the spatial intertwining of rural, peri-urban and urban spaces. The emerging urban landscape can be defined as peri-urban city. Three main themes define this peri-urban city beyond porosity: (1) processes of transformation creating the peri-urban city, (2) networks of power and control as means to adapt to these transformations and (3) mobility as prerequisite for ability to benefit from the changing landscape in peri-urban cities.
Chapter 2 describes how state authorities, urban planners and private investors at the local level in Tam Kỳ and Buôn Ma Thuột use porous space to reproduce the city based on their aspirations. This leads to a cargo cult urbanism, where urban planning is rooted in future aspirations for the city. Plans and construction efforts reference the image of a modern urban future and produce the image of a city, which does not exists in the real urban space of Tam Kỳ and Buôn Ma Thuột. In the meantime, practices based in peri-urban space are often contradictory to the official aspirations of local state authorities
Chapter 3 explores this emerging divergence between the aspired urban space by the state and the reality of urban space rooted in material and social porosity. Traditional, newly accessible and environmental porosity provide an array of accessible space which transforms the peri-urban city into a social arena of encounters and interaction. Consequently, porosity enables local residents to maintain urban space as commons. This counters the push towards the privatization of urban space by state and private actors and creates multiple aspirations for the urban future.
Rooted in urban space as commons, porosity enables the usage of peri-urban space as spaces of resistance as discussed in Chapter 4. Mobility and interaction are means of reproduction in the porous ambiguity of urban materiality but also become means of everyday resistance. The emerging spatialities of emancipation provide opportunities for an emerging urban citizenship. Urban materiality and urban citizenship have a mutually constitutive relationship.
Organic agriculture in Java, Indonesia, has been historically intertwined with social movements that struggled for more economically, ecologically, culturally, and socially sustainable agriculture. While these grassroots movements emerged under an authoritarian government that showed little interest in organic agriculture, the turn of the 21st century saw the rapid involvement of the Indonesian government in supporting, regulating and, arguably, commodifying organic agriculture. Institutionalization triggered diverse responses from competing organic actors, reflecting their different standpoints and knowledges. In this context, a transdisciplinary approach is deemed suitable to provide context-specific insights into organic agriculture.
This dissertation draws on anthropology and Science and Technology Studies (STS) to explore the politics of knowledge of organic agriculture in Yogyakarta, Indonesia, as a contribution to a critique of transdisciplinarity. My interest on the hierarchization of different knowledges is inspired by the work of anthropologists of knowledge that asks how the communities they study construct knowledge and how they themselves construct knowledge about these communities. Since transdisciplinary knowledge is co-produced by science and society and reflects their embedded power relations, transdisciplinary research needs to be open to different interpretations, and reflexive towards the unequal distribution of resources, accountability, and responsibility. By linking these two lines of thought, I examine the making of knowledges through reflexive transdisciplinary work. I reflect on how “epistemic living space” (Felt 2009) and “co-presence” (Chua 2015) affect research and shape the politics of knowledge of organic agriculture in Yogyakarta, Indonesia. I argue that the hierarchization of different knowledges of organic agriculture was intertwined with my shifting positionalities, as a field researcher in Indonesia and PhD student at Passau University, as I moved between these two different “field sites”.
This cumulative dissertation is divided into two parts. In Part I, “Knowledge in the making”, I present my contributions towards transdisciplinary knowledge production and politics of knowledge of organic agriculture. Part II, “Publications”, comprises the three stand-alone papers. The first contribution is my formulation of the notion of knowledge in the making. The second is my exploration of the ways that reflexive transdisciplinary work, and living and intersubjective experience shape knowledge in the making. The third is my demonstration of how an understanding of knowledge in the making sheds lights on the politics of knowledge of organic agriculture. This approach serves to examine the politics involved in synthesizing the conceptualizations of organic agriculture employed by different actors into one overarching narrative, such as sustainable agriculture or alternative agriculture. My final contribution is the notion of transdisciplinary moments, a conceptualization of transdisciplinary research practice that accounts for the politics of knowledge in which both scientific and extra-scientific actors are embedded. As a conclusion, I share the lessons learned from pursuing a PhD as a cumulative dissertation in an unstructured setting within a German–Indonesian research project on Indonesian organic agriculture. Finally, I identify bodies of literature and strands of thinking for future engagement within transdisciplinary research and discuss their potential to contribute to radical change in the institutional and value structures of contemporary academia.
My study examines how the configuration of the capitalist frontier through extractivism shapes ethnicity, gender, and intersectionality in the areas surrounding a nickel mine in Sorowako (East Luwu District, South Sulawesi), logging and coal mining along the Lalang River (Murung Raya District, Central Kalimantan) Indonesia. The colonial frontier intersects with the capitalist frontier and provides the circumstances for its formation. The colonial restrictions, religions, commodities, the imposition of labor discipline, and political changes have molded ethnic identities and relationships with nature. Furthermore, using autoethnography and Feminist Political Ecology, I combine my experiences as a woman academic-activist with the experiences of the people in my research area. I identify how communities and individuals interact with the multiple-frontier in everyday life by defining the configuration of the frontier from above and below. Thus, my dissertation contributes to understanding how I, the community, and the capitalist frontier landscape are contained and can potentially transform into multidimensional resistance. I develop a link between the body as the interior frontier and the extractive landscape to be transformed into a perspective of “Tubuh-tanah air” as a future arena of engagement and resistance to extractivism.
This study examines the dynamics which lead to revitalization of everyday life in the public spaces of Cagayan de Oro, a medium-sized urban center in Northern Mindanao, the Philippines. By employing the oriental philosophies together with western thoughts such as Henri Lefebvre, Alain Touraine and Jürgen Habermas, this study elucidates that the core of perceived, lived and conceived spaces is ‘the Subject.’ Once the Subject utilizes the public sphere to instill social action, social space is ultimately produced. Hawkers, grassroots environmental activists, street readers and artists are the social Subjects who partake in the vibrancy of public spaces. The social Subjects utilize public spaces as venues of social transformation. Thus, this study argues that the social Subjects’ role in democratic process lead to inclusivity of the marginalized sector in the public spaces of the city.
Following an “agency-oriented Urban Theory” as advanced by Smith (2001), this study takes the urban landscape of Vinh City in Central Vietnam as a starting point into an investigation of multiple visions of modernity (Eisenstadt, 2000) put forward by social actors, as well as into urban change resulting from the implementation of such visions. Focusing on the period from 1973 to 2011, it traces the application of three different visions for urban development in Vinh: The Socialist City, The Modern and Civilized City, and the Participatory City. Projects aiming at implementing these visions in Vinh that are presented in this study have one thing in common: they are informed by a specific view of what a city is and what it should be, and their implementation aims at changing the city in the desired direction. This goal involves not only physical change of the city, but also institutional change in the urban society. To grasp the interplay between visions of a modern city, their application through concrete projects, and the results of these implementations, the study operates with two specific terms: modern projects, and urban change. After introducing Vinh and its history, the thesis presents the period of the vision of The Socialist City and its application in Vinh through cooperation between Vietnam and the German Democratic Republic in the 1970s. It then moves on to contemporary period starting in the 1990s, during which varying and conflicting modern projects for the city were put forward by different social actors cooperating in joint projects on urban development: the Modern and Civilized City and the Participatory City. While the modes of cooperation differed between the two periods, the study concludes with the argument that the impact of these transnational projects has led to path-dependent, as well as ambivalent, urban change in Vinh.
The introduction of the economic reform program, Doi Moi, in 1986 opened the door for private sector development in Vietnam, as well as the country’s integration into the world economy. As Hanoi is the national political centre, it occupies an important role in Vietnam’s transformation process. The capital has become a major hub for socio-economic development. Whereas “Hanoi was renowned for its quiet streets in the 1980s” (Drummond 2000: 2382), nowadays it is characterised by its bustling street life. Public spaces, such as streets and sidewalks, are appropriated by private individuals for mostly small-scale economic activities. Existing green parks are privatised in order to cater to the growing demand for leisure space. At the same time, official spaces like Ba Dinh Square or Ly Thai To Square are occupied by Hanoi’s residents for sports and gatherings. Thomas (2002: 1621) regards this a contestation of the state-defined landscape by local people. In other words, the state’s defining power for the urban image is challenged by a multiplicity of spatial producers. This thesis focuses on the development of public spaces in Hanoi. Using the frame of an emic reconstruction , major themes such as changes in power relations between state and society and their reflection in the city’s physical environment are explored. Embedded in the discipline of urban sociology, this thesis aims to contribute to the discussion about the correlation between the public sphere as a sociological/political category and the materiality and practices of public space. According to Sennett (2008), the public sphere is a crucial element of urbanism. Furthermore, as Eisenstadt and Schluchter (20021: 12) indicate, there is a strong relationship between the public sphere and civil society, along with political and economic liberalisation. Therefore, the question remains whether public spaces in Hanoi are an expression of a public sphere or a prerequisite for its development.
The capacity of a society to adapt and cope with disasters is generally discussed under the term resilience. It is a concept that entered vulnerability research recently and that will still need further theoretical underpinning and empirical grounding. The vulnerability context of urban poor can be approached from different angles, such as urbanism or development studies. My thesis has the aim to contribute to a better understanding of resilience within vulnerability research. I decided to follow recent approaches in vulnerability research for two reasons. First, integrated vulnerability concepts highlight the value of interdisciplinary approaches. Second, the integrated vulnerability discourse offers a analytical framework that can be modified and applied to the empirical study of vulnerability in Jakarta's kampungs. In chapter two I will introduce the theoretical embedding of the analytical framework. This will be necessary, as disaster research in social science is a relatively young research stream. Terms such as disasters, catastrophes and hazards are often used synonymously. Moreover, different definitions of vulnerability and resilience lead to diverse applications of the concepts. Thus, I would like to outline some aspects of disaster research in social science and present the definitions I will apply in this thesis. Moreover, at the end of chapter two, I will refine my research question and present the methodological framework I use for the analysis of my empirical data. The integrated vulnerability framework is pointing out the importance of the temporal and spatial scale in vulnerability analysis. In chapter three, I will therefore provide the temporal and spatial embedding of my research by presenting a historical perspective on Jakarta. Since it is not possible to present almost 500 years of city history in one chapter, I will concentrate on two aspects. The first focus will be put on the origin and development of Jakarta's kampungs. The second focus will be put on the flood situation. Accordingly, I will shortly present the different phases of Jakarta's history. In each phase I will point out the aspects relevant for kampungs and aspects that will be relevant in regards to the flood situation. Finally, I will conclude how the situation of the kampungs and its dwellers changed over time. In addition to that, I will discuss the historical development of flood risk in a separate section in order to contribute to a better understanding of recent flooding. Since the integrated vulnerability framework is a place based approach, I would like to introduce the theoretical discussion on urbanism and space in chapter four. I will show that the analytical value of the concept of slum in approaching the local level in Jakarta's kampungs is limited. I will also present the concept of informality as it is often discussed in the context of slums and urban poverty. Moreover, I will argue that informality is an integral part of megacities in developing countries and it reflects processes of self-organisation on a local level. Aspects of social organisations are, again, also important for a vulnerability analysis. I will then link the concepts of institutions and social capital in order to show how social organisation can be approached as a resource for communities. I will conclude the chapter with models of social space, particularly the concept of locality, that will provide a framework for structuring and analysing the empirical field data. In chapter five and six, I will leave the theoretical discussion and present the data I collected during my empirical research in two kampung. Chapter five will begin with a short introduction to the research approach and the methods I used in the research process. Then I will present the field data following the structure provided by the concept of locality which is basically referring to the categories of material space and social organisation. I will add two categories to this structure. In order to link the previous discussion on informality with the empirical research, I will present data on the informal-formal continuum in both research locations. In addition to this I will sum up my empirical findings on how people adapt to and cope with hazards, particularly flooding. I decided to separate description and analysis of my research findings because I would like to first provide a general understanding of the local situation in both research locations in a descriptive way before I analyse and interpret the data. Accordingly, I will analyse and interpret the data in chapter six. The main focus will be put on aspects of space and social organisation so that local communities can be conceptualised. In chapter seven I will finally analyse aspects of vulnerability and resilience by applying the integrated vulnerability framework to my research findings. Lastly, I will briefly summarize the thesis in chapter eight and provide an outlook.
Landscapes and societies in Xishuangbanna Dai Autonomous Prefecture in Southwest China have undergone unprecedented changes over the last 60 years. These transformations within the landscapes manifest themselves as land cover change, for example intensification of traditional land use systems and introduction of monocultures leading to deforestation, loss of biodiversity and other forms of environmental degradation. At the same time, communities and societies within these landscapes have experienced a certain degree of economic development, mainly through exploitation of natural resources. Through changing of political and economic frameworks, they have also profound transformations within their social and socio-cultural configurations. Based on the outcomes of field work in Xishuangbanna between 2006 and 2010, this study examines institutions, institutional voids and institutional change concerning land-use in the Naban River Watershed National Nature Reserve. Combining socio-economic and ecological data, patterns of land-use change and their interrelation to local communities are explored. With the emergence of the rubber-line, a socio-ecological frontier, disparities between upland and lowland landscapes and communities are intensifying.