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The Demise of Statism? Associations and the Transformation of Interest Intermediation in France
(2009)
What role do firms play in the making of EU trade policy? This chapter surveys the policy domain and lays out the instruments firms can employ to influence decisions on trade. It underlines that European trade policy is characterized by a high degree of institutional complexity, which firms have to manage in order to be successful. In particular, the European Commission works intensively to solicit business input in order to gain bargaining leverage vis-à-vis third countries and the EU member states. This reverse lobbying creates a two-channel logic of trade policy lobbying in the EU. Corporate actors have a very good chance of working closely with the European Commission if they can propose pan-European trade policy solutions. This can be either trade liberalization or EU-wide regulatory restrictions on trade. Demands for traditional protectionist measures, especially those that reveal national interest divergences, are difficult to defend at the supranational level. Protectionist lobbying therefore goes through the national route, with corporate actors working to block liberalization by affecting the consensus in the Council of Ministers. The chapter illustrates this two-channel logic by studying business–government interactions in agricultural trade, textiles and clothing, financial services, and telecommunication services.
La politique de concurrence
(2009)
POLITIQUES EUROPEENNES offre une vue d'ensemble du système institutionnel, des acteurs, du jeu politique et des modes d'action de l’Union, à la fois dans les domaines où son intervention est ancienne et dans ceux où son influence est plus récente. Agriculture, monnaie, concurrence, mais aussi commerce, enseignement supérieur, social, environnement ou même politique étrangère : l’influence de l’Europe se fait sentir dans un grand nombre de domaines, et pourtant son action reste largement méconnue. Fruit d’une coopération entre politistes, juristes, économistes et sociologues, tous enseignants à Sciences Po, ce manuel sans équivalent en langue française donne les clés pour mettre en perspective les dynamiques de la construction européenne depuis ses origines et pour comprendre les défis auxquels elle fait face aujourd’hui. Conçu comme un support pour des enseignements d’introduction à l’intégration européenne, il propose un panorama clair et synthétique des politiques européennes et de leur développement. Enrichi de nombreux encadrés, zooms, documents et références bibliographiques, il s’adresse aux étudiants, chercheurs et enseignants des premiers et deuxièmes cycles en science politique, droit, économie, administration publique et administration économique et sociale.
Abstract : Many observers agree that the multilateral liberalization of service trade was a response to the intense lobbying efforts of financial service companies. In contrast, many of the firms that were affected by the General Agreement on the Trade of Services did not know where their interests lay in the multilateral negotiations and only began to work with their governments very late in the process. This paper shows that the preference evolution of service companies - both the first movers and the late comers - cannot be explained with reference to material rationality only. As a radically new trade issue, service trade was a realm of great uncertainty for business and they relied on social devices rather than pure economic calculations to determine how to position themselves on liberalization. In times of uncertainty, the differential logic of social embeddedness and the institutional constraints of a firm's national setting are therefore a more appropriate indicator for business demands than material incentives arising from the global economy.
In the late twentieth century, the rise of neo-liberal economics appeared to some to signal the withdrawal of the nation state from key areas of economic life in the industrialized world. However, this was always an illusion. The recent financial crisis has demonstrated clearly that states remain the actor of last resort when the business system begins to collapse. International efforts at coordination have been dwarfed by the fiscal policies of states to stimulate their economies. These revival efforts reveal the underlying differences which remain between states and how economic policy-making in crisis responds most directly to threats to the national system. This chapter examines these processes and how they can be combined with continued commitment to a neo-liberal global order and efforts at global coordination.
This chapter examines business lobbying at the WTO. It argues that the role of companies in multilateral trade is tightly linked to the evolution of the trading system, with the most decisive influence during the creation of the WTO institutions. In an initial phase, business lobbying concentrated on tariff barriers. As the GATT expanded its scope during the Uruguay Round, large US companies became very active participants and crucially shaped the agenda, in particular with respect to service trade and intellectual property rights. In other areas, however, active lobbying was less effective, most notably investment protection and textiles. With the establishment of the WTO, lobbying has begun to partially shift to the supranational level. Some relationships exist between the WTO secretariat and companies, but the most important new pillar of political activity relates to dispute settlement. At the same time, the WTO secretariat tries to reach out to a more diverse set of stakeholders. In many ways, the influence of global companies on WTO affairs is much more indirect today than it was during its creation.
Neo-liberalism has had one central message for the state: scale back, cut back, cut out, transform. This brings to mind Winston Churchill's reply to an opponent who asked, ‘How much is enough?’ to Churchill's repeated push to spend increasingly more on defence in the 1930s. Churchill's rejoinder came in the form of a story about a Brazilian banker with whom he had just had lunch. The banker had received a cable informing him of the death of his mother-in-law and asking for instructions. He cabled back: ‘embalm, cremate, bury at sea; leave nothing to chance’.
This take on neo-liberalism – as burying the state – is certainly exaggerated because neo-liberalism comes in many different forms with many different policy applications. Only the recommendations of the most radical strands come close to the Brazilian banker's response to his mother-in-law's death. Yet the story as a metaphor for neo-liberal views of the state nonetheless somehow rings true. This is largely because neo-liberals have been more anti-state in their rhetoric than in their actions.
The state has been neo-liberalism’s bête noire, as its main focus of attack, because neo-liberals – whatever their differences – have viewed the state as consistently doing too much in the wrong ways with the worst consequences not only for the markets but also for democracy, by endangering individual freedom through its interventions. As a provider of public goods, the state had to be scaled back to leave room for the market, which would assure more efficiency. However, the state has also been neo-liberalism’s greatest conquest, as its main locus of action, because it has been primarily through the state that neo-liberals have been able to realize their vision(s).
The Beatty Lecture, established in 1952 in honour of former Canadian Pacific Railway president and McGill chancellor Sir Edward Beatty, is McGill University's most anticipated annual event. Some of the series'greatest lectures, delivered by Nobel Prize laureates, world leaders, and cultural icons, have been forgotten, carefully stowed away in the McGill Archives.To help us understand some of the most significant moments and discoveries of our time, With the World to Choose From spotlights fifteen outstanding Beatty Lectures, spanning seven decades. Readers can discover – or rediscover – these important and inspiring lectures, all in print for the first time. One of the twentieth century's most influential visionaries, the economist Barbara Ward, opens this anthology with her future-looking 1955 lecture. Lectures from acclaimed biologist Robert Sinsheimer, former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, Nobel Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus, philosopher Charles Taylor, and author and social commentator Roxane Gay carry readers through the decades that followed and up to the present, treating subjects from the tensions of Cold War politics and the implications of genetic engineering to the origins of life in the universe and the watershed #MeToo movement. Some of today's leading academics add contextual and biographical information to each chapter, and an introduction sheds light on the history of the Beatty Lecture and the life of its notable namesake.Illustrated with a selection of photographs and ephemera, With the World to Choose From provides a historical and behind-the-scenes look at one of Canada's longest-running lecture series.
Regulatory governance of nonprofit organizations: legal frameworks and voluntary self-regulation
(2021)
This multi-perspective Research Handbook provides a clear pathway through the nonprofit governance research field, pushing beyond the borders of current theory to expand and deepen the analytical framework for nonprofit governance. It offers an analysis of the basics including definitions, organizational forms and levels of governance, and takes a critical approach towards the normative and prescriptive tendencies in much of contemporary governance scholarship. Divided into four distinctly thematic parts, contributors provide an in-depth review of the last 20 years, building on the foundations of classical contributions and further exploring new theoretical approaches, while examining the governance challenges of diverse types of organizations, including those from both developed and developing countries. Future challenges including multilevel governance are expertly addressed, and insights leading towards a unified theory are proposed. This thoroughly engaging Research Handbook will be an excellent resource for scholars in business and strategic management, nonprofit management and civil society, interested in topics such as nonprofit governance practice and boards of directors, governance theory, stakeholder management, membership organizations, foundations and hybrid organizations. Teachers of nonprofit management will also find this invaluable as it addresses both the core concepts and the most recent developments.
The chapter shows how European internal market regulation expanded and was transformed from a limited and often non-binding set of policies to an integrated and wide-ranging framework. Incremental but profound change was possible because critical junctures, in particular judgments by the European Court of Justice, allowed the European Commission and its allies to advance new policy proposals with new default positions. This affected the preferences of major member states, created new coalitions, and also led to the emergence of new actors. Feedback loops reinforced the orientation of previous agreements and created changes that most observers would have qualified as impossible three or four decades earlier.
The financial crisis revealed the vulnerability of states with financialized economies, but also the extraordinary measures they had recourse to in order to reign in market forces. This chapter argues that this paradox is based on another contradiction: the ambiguity of government–finance relations. While financial institutions are considered to be the culprits of the recent crisis, they were also necessary to support government action and enable a quick recovery. Undoing the ties between banks and states is thus not only a response to conflicts of interests. Uncoupling banks from states through European financial integration also contains risks for future crisis management.
Many governments have problems with developing digital government services in an effective and efficient manner. One proposed solution to improve governmental digital service development is for governments to utilize agile development methods. However, there is currently a lack of understanding on two important and related topics. First, whether or not agile development might help to overcome common failure reasons of digital government projects. Second, what the challenges and success factors of agile digital government service development are. This paper addresses both of these gaps. By gathering insights from six cases where agile methods were used in the development of new digital services, it identifies five core categories of challenges and success factors encountered when utilizing agile development methods for governmental digital service development: organizational, methodological, end-user-related, technological, and regulatory. Furthermore, based on these findings, it makes initial recommendations on when and how to best use agile methods for digital government service development.
European Community Judicial Review in the Irish Courts -
Scope, Standards and Separation of Powers
(2003)
In this chapter we argue that hybrid organizations, i.e., organizations pursuing dual goals, are an important site for rethinking and potentially recasting our perspective on organizational governance. We give an overview of the specific governance challenges hybrid organizations face and probe conventional and more novel approaches and their potential to understand governance in hybrid organizations. Introducing empirical findings from a large-scale qualitative and quantitative study about governance in social enterprises, we propose to complement the reactive approach dominant in the governance literature with a more proactive approach: drawing on the work of Philip Selznick, we introduce a governance approach focused on purpose, commitment and new ways of coordination. We propose that these three interlocking governance mechanisms allow hybrid organizations such as social enterprises to mitigate governance challenges such as the risk of mission drift in a proactive rather than reactive manner.
This chapter presents a comparative analysis of the Anglo-Saxon and Rechtsstaat traditions with respect to their human resources management (HRM) policies and practices. It begins with a comparative analysis of the two traditions by examining their history, understanding of employment relations, and overall structure. In then discusses each tradition’s approach to the field of HRM and how public sector reforms have impacted the way their public personnel are managed. Following this, it compares the HRM cyle between the two systems with emphasis on: recruitment and selection, employment conditions, performance management, training, and promotion as well as leadership and the management of the senior civil service. The chapter ends by discussing future research avenues in comparative public administration including an emphasis on the necessity of understanding context and linking public administration traditions to behaviour outcomes, such as current challenges related to managing crises, diversity and inclusion and the future of public service in a digitalised world.
This chapter studies decision-making behaviour of independent regulatory agencies. Theoretical accounts of delegation to regulatory agencies emphasise that losses of political accountability of regulators are traded off against potential gains in regulatory efficiency. The theory of credible commitment suggests that independent (non-majoritarian) regulatory agencies are more effective in regulating markets than organisations under direct political control. However, independent regulatory agencies operate in a political context and need to demonstrate their benefit to a diverse set of stakeholders, including elected politicians. We are hence confronted with a ‘paradox of autonomisation’ according to which more autonomous public organisations have to take into consideration external demands to a greater degree than less autonomous organisations. Independent regulatory agencies will thus be subjected to high …
It’s Christmas Eve when Scarlett leaves an underground tech lab to catch the last flight that will get her home in time to open presents with her three year-old son. She offers a lift to a young woman in distress, who shares her intimate life story as they drive to the airport, but these revelations will have devastating consequences for both of their lives.
Aifric Campbell combines her novel with essays from leading scientists and commentators who examine what’s at stake in our human–machine relationships. What is our future as friends, parents, lovers? What is the future of love? Will advances in intelligent machines reverse decades of progress for women? From robot nannies to generative art and our ancient dreams of intelligent machines, The Love Makers blends storytelling with science communication to investigate the challenges and opportunities of emergent technologies and how we want to live.
Robot Nannies Will Not Love
(2021)
How artificial intelligence and robotics are transforming the future of love and desire: a philosophical thriller and essays.A chance encounter between two women and a road trip into the future: It's Christmas Eve, and Scarlett, banker-turned-technologist, is leaving a secret underground lab to catch the last flight that will get her home in time to open presents with her three-year-old son. She offers a lift to a young woman in distress, who shares her intimate life story as they drive to the airport. These revelations will have devastating consequences for both of them. The Love Makers is a philosophical thriller about female friendship, class, motherhood, women, and work--and how artificial intelligence and robotics are transforming the future of love and desire. Aifric Campbell combines her novel with essays from leading scientists and commentators who examine what's at stake in our human-machine relationships. What is our future as friends, parents, lovers? Will advances in intelligent machines reverse decades of progress for women? From robot nannies to generative art and our ancient dreams of intelligent machines, The Love Makers blends storytelling with science communication to investigate the challenges and opportunities of emergent technologies and how we want to live. ContributorsRonny Bogani, Joanna J. Bryson, Julie Carpenter, Stephen Cave, Anita Chandran, Peter R. N. Childs, Kate Devlin, Kanta Dihal, Mary Flanagan, Margaret Rhee, Amanda Sharkey, Roberto Trotta, E. R. Truitt, and Richard Watson
The COVID-19 pandemic not only ravaged human bodies but also had profound and possibly enduring effects on the health of political and legal systems, economies and societies. Almost overnight, governments imposed the severest restrictions in modern times on rights and freedoms, elections, parliaments and courts. Legal and political institutions struggled to adapt, creating a catalyst for democratic decline and catastrophic increases in poverty and inequality.
This handbook analyses the global pandemic response through five themes: governance and democracy; human rights; the rule of law; science, public trust and decision making; and states of emergency and exception. Containing 12 thematic commentaries and 25 chapters on countries of diverse size, wealth and experience of COVID-19, it represents the combined effort of more than 50 contributors, including leading scholars and rising voices in the fields of constitutional, international, public health, human rights and comparative law, as well as political science, and science and technology studies.
Taking stock after the onset of global emergency, this book provides essential analysis for politicians, policy-makers, jurists, civil society organisations, academics, students and practitioners at both national and international level on the best, and most concerning, practices adopted in response to COVID-19 - and key insights into how states and multilateral institutions should reform, adapt and prepare for future emergencies.
Die Sozialpartnerschaft begleitete sowohl den ökonomischen Wiederaufstieg Deutschlands nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg als auch die permanent notwendigen Anpassungsprozesse an veränderte wirtschaftliche, soziale und gesellschaftliche Herausforderungen. In vielen Sektoren hat die Sozialpartnerschaft ihre Präge- und Gestaltungskraft jedoch eingebüßt. Mitgliederrückgang, Arbeitgeberverbände ohne Tarifbindung und neue Geschäftsmodelle sind taktgebende Treiber dieses Wandels. (...) Ist die Sozialpartnerschaft nur noch der Rahmen für einen etablierten, gleichwohl kleiner werdenden Club von Unternehmen und Beschäftigten, oder gelingt es, die Reichweite wieder zu erhöhen? Werden das Prinzip der Sozialpartnerschaft und die konkrete Praxis des FTV als Rahmen revitalisiert, um die Interessenskonflikte der Dekarbonisierung und Digitalisierung im fairen Ausgleich zu bewältigen? Dafür werden wir zunächst die Fragen der Organisationsmacht auf Arbeitnehmer- und Arbeitgeberseite klären, anschließend Lösungsperspektiven aufzeigen und zuletzt die Relevanz der Sozialpartner im Kontext der Transformation beleuchten.
Die Personalarbeit hat sich stark verändert. Prägend sind der demografische Wandel, neue Werte in der Arbeitswelt und technologische Transformationen, die Unternehmen, Personalabteilungen und Mitbestimmungsakteure herausfordern.
Eine konstruktive Zusammenarbeit zwischen Personal- und Mitbestimmungsverantwortlichen ist - so die Botschaft dieses Buchs - der Schlüssel für gute und breit akzeptierte Lösungen. Wissenschaftliche Analysen und Praxisbeispiele zeigen, dass Mitbestimmung auf Augenhöhe die Zufriedenheit der Beschäftigten erhöht und zu einer besseren wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und ökologischen Nachhaltigkeit führt.
Dieses Buch eröffnet durch seinen Dreiklang aus Wissenschaft, Arbeitgeber- und Arbeitnehmersicht neue Perspektiven für die strategische Personalarbeit. Die praktischen Empfehlungen greifen dabei auf betriebliche Beispiele zurück, in denen Personalverantwortliche und Akteure der Mitbestimmung über Hürden und Erfolge im beruflichen Alltag berichten. Leserinnen und Leser gewinnen so wertvolle Denkanstöße und erhalten Gestaltungsimpulse für das weite Feld von Personalarbeit und Mitbestimmung.
How the Far-Right Polarises Twitter: ‘Hashjacking’ as a Disinformation Strategy in Times of COVID-19
(2022)
Twitter influences political debates. Phenomena like fake news and hate speech show that political discourses on social platforms can become strongly polarised by algorithmic enforcement of selective perception. Some political actors actively employ strategies to facilitate polarisation on Twitter, as past contributions show, via strategies of ‘hashjacking’(The use of someone else’s hashtag in order to promote one’s own social media agenda.). For the example of COVID-19 related hashtags and their retweet networks, we examine the case of partisan accounts of the German far-right party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and their potential use of ‘hashjacking’ in May 2020. Our findings indicate that polarisation of political party hashtags has not changed significantly in the last two years. We see that right-wing partisans are actively and effectively polarising the discourse by ‘hashjacking’ COVID-19 related hashtags, like #CoronaVirusDE or #FlattenTheCurve. This polarisation strategy is dominated by the activity of a limited set of heavy users. The results underline the necessity to understand the dynamics of discourse polarisation, as an active political communication strategy of the far-right, by only a handful of very active accounts.
In South Africa, one of the world’s most carbon-intense economies and a society marked by gross social inequality, climate change is not a popular topic. As of 2018, more than half of the population had never heard of climate change and only one in five South Africans believed that human activities lead to global warming. The communication of climate change in South Africa is influenced by the notorious inequality that the country still suffers decades after the apartheid regime has ended. Few South Africans are able to live a life in prosperity and security on par with life in industrialized nations, more than half of the population are considered poor, almost a third of the population are chronically unemployed, and many work for carbon-intense industries.
The country’s prevalent inequality and its economic dependency on coal influence the way climate change is communicated and interpreted. Environmental NGOs, journalists, and scientists frequently set communication cues on climate change. However, their messages are largely circulated in newspapers catering to an urban and educated readership and resonate less with people living in rural areas or those who rely on employment in the coal and mining sector.
In South Africa, most people hear about climate change in mass media, but journalists frequently lack the resources and training necessary to investigate climate change stories or to interact with local scientists. Environmental NGOs, in contrast, provide easily comprehendible communication cues for unspecialized journalists and often share similar worldviews and demographic backgrounds with dedicated environmental reporters. However, because Black South Africans are underrepresented among environmental journalists and because many affordable local newspapers cannot afford to hire specialized reporters, climate change is covered mostly in high-quality English-language outlets to which most people have no access. Moreover, environmental NGOs are frequently accused of prioritizing abstract ecological concerns, like climate change, over the interests of the South Africans workers, a sentiment that is informed by the country’s history of racial injustice. Counterintuitively, living in a coal area is associated with higher climate change awareness and belief, likely because coal companies and trade unions conduct awareness-raising programs among their workers and because many residents experience the adverse impact of coal mining and combustion firsthand.
Global trends, such as an ever-rising service economy, rapid technological change and digitalization, challenge skill formation systems. Focussing on European countries, this edited volume examines the variety of European VET governance and VET governance research. In particular, it provides insights into regional, local and decentralized governance at meso (e.g. professional associations) as well as micro level (e.g. learning arrangements). As such, the edited volume sheds light on the hitherto far less explored dimensions of VET governance and highlights challenges as well as opportunities in VET governance in the 21st century.
Charitable Foundations
(2021)
Foundations are private institutions for public benefit. With a long history that reaches back to antiquity, inside the United States and globally, foundations are a growing organizational form that policy makers increasingly view with both potential (as a source of private funds to complement government services) and caution (given their autonomy and low level of accountability). Alongside the rise in commerce and finance, foundations experienced an initial growth period in the late Middle Ages and a second in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, following the Industrial Revolution. Political stability, an increase in demand for social, educational, and cultural services of all kinds, and economic prosperity are certainly significant factors behind this growth. Since the dawn of the 21st century, foundations have remained the primary legal structure through which newly minted and emerging wealthy individuals practice their philanthropy. The foundation form, or some similar iteration, is growing not just in many Western democratic countries but even in communist and other political regimes such as China and Russia. The reason for this growth is the way in which foundations have been envisioned as instruments of welfare state reform in the broadest sense. This growth implies a more important role for foundations as providers of relief to those most in need, protectors of traditional institutions and the status quo, and, to a lesser extent, as change agents. In particular, this is apparent among the “new philanthropists” of the 21st century, drawn from technology entrepreneurs, who are more actively engaged in public policy.
The road freight sector is responsible for a large and growing share of greenhouse gas emissions, but reliable data on the amount of freight that is moved on roads in many parts of the world are scarce. Many low-and middle-income countries have limited ground-based traffic monitoring and freight surveying activities. In this proof of concept, we show that we can use an object detection network to count trucks in satellite images and predict average annual daily truck traffic from those counts. We describe a complete model, test the uncertainty of the estimation, and discuss the transfer to developing countries.
In this contribution, we explore evolution and stasis in EU asylum law and policy. We identify two tensions at the heart of the CEAS, between the commitment to protection and deflection of protection obligations, and between internal mobility within the EU and the immobilization of asylum seekers and refugees. We note the role of these foundational tensions in generating and exacerbating the ‘refugee crisis’ of 2015/16. This chapter is premised on a widely-shared understanding of the role of EU asylum policy in that crisis, namely that by illegalizing the travel of asylum seekers and refugees in search of protection, it contributes to the dangerous mass flight, which in turn generates humanitarian and political crises. We then analyse four key dimensions of EU asylum policy in light of these tensions: access to asylum, responsibility-allocation, legislative harmonisation, and institutionalised practical co-operation. Across these four fields, we identify the limits of EU law, and its general stasis, in spite of changes in Treaty telos, law-making processes, and EU enlargement. We briefly consider the role of the CJEU, still very much in the shadow of the ECtHR in asylum, in spite of its numerous rulings on the CEAS. Overall, we demonstrate its fairly minimalist approach in this area, avoidance of controversial cases by dubious use of inadmissibility findings, and failure to catalyse policy changes. Against this backdrop of legislative, political and judicial caution and inertia, we identify two key trends: a move towards greater institutional cooperation, including through the creation of a dedicated agency, the European Asylum Support Office (EASO), and a general flight from law in this policy field. We conclude by considering the likely impact of these trends on EU asylum law.
Fintech applications such as robo-financial advisors (RAs) are complex algorithmic decision making systems, which gained prominence with their claim to democratize finance. Lack of transparency and explanations for these automated decisions leads to a trust deficit for users, limiting the potential of these applications. Our research aims to analyse the effectiveness of user-centric explanations in conveying the decision-making logic of complex algorithmic systems. Our user study tests techniques from explainable AI, varying in complexity and transparency. The quantitative aspects of our study determine the efficacy and usability of explanations and the qualitative aspects measure the effect of explanations on users and system usability. Our study finds trust and confidence of users in the system is positively correlated with comprehension and transparency provided by the presence of an explanation. There is a notable reduction in comprehension and trust between transparent white and opaque black box explanations of algorithms. This study is designed to aid policymakers and regulators in order to understand user needs which are crucial to designing better policies around algorithmic explainability for RAs.
This chapter argues that the adoption of the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) in 2004 and its subsequent ratification by more than 180 parties indicates universal agreement on the norms of quality of government, putting an end to moral relativist arguments. While UNCAC does not define corruption, it defines good governance and sets ethical universalism as its key benchmark. The chapter then follows the intellectual history of this concept and its remarkable success, with the norm of equal, fair, and nondiscriminatory treatment of every citizen present in every current constitutional contract. Ratification does not necessarily mean implementation when corruption is concerned, and the chapter surveys limitations to the practice of ethical universalism in governance and existing approaches to narrow the gap between norm and practice.
Keywords: corruption, quality of government, equality of opportunity, ethical universalism, good governance
Nongovernmental organizations or NGOs are part of a larger set of organizations that are self-governing, not-for-profit, noncompulsory, and institutionally separate from government. They emerged mostly during the process of mid-twentieth-century modernization and globalization, grew in scale and scope in subsequent decades, and assumed greater importance following the end of the Cold War. This was largely due to favorable economic, political, and social conditions after 1989. They fulfill four major roles: as service providers, innovators, value-guardians, and advocates. NGOs are trying to adjust to less favorable conditions in the early twenty-first century while many innovations are taking place.
In starkem Kontrast zu anderen Wissenschaftsnationen hat Deutschland bis vor kurzem kaum Public Policy Schools hervorgebracht. Damit gemeint sind universitäre Einrichtungen, die in der Forschung interdisziplinär und anwendungsorientiert ausgerichtet sind und in der Lehre vornehmlich postgraduelle Abschlüsse anbieten. Zwar gibt es seit der Jahrtausendwende Neugründungen – denken wir an die Hertie School of Governance, die NRW School of Governance oder die Willy-Brand-School of Governance an der Universität Erfurt, die Hochschule für Politik an der Technischen Universität München und in gewisser Hinsicht auch seit längerem die Universität für Verwaltungswissenschaften Speyer – aber es sind letztlich doch wenige im Vergleich zu den zahlreichen Einrichtungen in den USA, Kanada und Großbritannien.
Diego A. Salazar-Morales In 1991, Peru’s autocratic leader Alberto Fujimori ordered the military to intervene in public universities, claiming that the Maoist organisation Shining Path had long been encouraging students’ ideological radicalisation. Together with this measure, Fujimori also introduced an aggressive privatisation scheme for Peru’s higher education system consisting of tax exemptions, consultancies for private universities, and a lack of general regulatory oversight. After ten years of military intervention and in the wake of Fujimori’s regime (1990–2000) , a dual system was established: a system of well-funded private universities, connected to international academic centres, serving the Peruvian elites; and another system of underfunded public universities, with few international connections, and peripheral to the global academic debate. However, this divide has not only led to marked differences in education quality and access to the job market, it has also created a stigma around public university students and their organised attempts to...
Latin American (LA) civil services have traditionally been characterized by their rapid personnel rotation, unstructured careers schemes, and networks that are primarily based on patronage loyalties. During the twentieth century, the civil service in Latin America has undergone several stages of reform as a result of structural adjustment programs and conditional loans from international institutions, which, together with the regions’ own political development, have created a complex system of hybrid forms of civil service. The coexistence of highly technocratic institutions (“isles of efficiency”) and more patronage-oriented institutions is therefore common in Latin America. Furthermore, these institutions also produce different types of civil servants ranging from technocratic to political.
This chapter provides a general overview of the theoretical discussions concerning the study of civil services in LA by comparing approaches focusing on “state capacity” or “administrative tradition.” According to the state capacity approach, scholars have largely explained the role and functions of civil servants based on their capacities and their relative political autonomy, while the administrative tradition approach emphasizes their access to state positions and whether or not they are meritocratic. Based on these discussions, this chapter proposes a fourfold categorization of civil servants (patronage appointees, technocrats, partisan loyalists, and careerists) that coexist in LA bureaucracies. The chapter concludes by briefly summarizing the central ideas of the civil servant typology and the potential challenges with regard to their application in practice.
El Cuerpo de Gerentes Públicos de SERVIR nace de un proceso de aprendizaje enriquecedor que supone un reto para la reconversión de la burocracia nacional tradicional hacia una moderna y más eficiente a partir de experiencias latinoamericanas similares. SERVIR, mediante esta experiencia, nos demuestra que la política pública no es un proceso de una sola dirección, que las fases pueden variar y que la creatividad es un aspecto fundamental para imaginar opciones y alternativas frente a un número de retos que la gestión pública nos presenta. Pero no solo es creatividad, también se trata de instinto al identificar los precisos momentos en los que apostar por un proyecto y cuándo salir.
Crónica de un Conflicto anunciado. El caso del conflicto social en Bagua (5 y 6 de junio de 2009)
(2013)
Los acontecimientos que se suscitaron el 5 de junio de 2009 en el poblado amazónico de Bagua presentan una serie de antecedentes, decisiones y estrategias adoptadas por parte del Estado y a una serie de actores políticos que hacen que su estudio sea particularmente interesante. Nos encontramos frente a un suceso que cambia la manera de entender y manejar los conflictos sociales en la política nacional.
Fragmentación y desarticulación son algunas de las características de las organizaciones indígenas en el Perú. En medio de dicho escenario las agendas juveniles aparecen sub representadas y consumidas por reivindicaciones más “adultas” que se centran en los derechos colectivos y la Ley de Consulta Previa. A lo largo de los años la conformación de las agendas indígenas ha sido reactiva a las acciones del Estado peruano, a su vez, han configurado una coyuntura crítica donde la posesión de los derechos colectivos, por su importancia política, ha opacado algunas de las demandas juveniles. El presente artículo explora los procesos bajo los cuales se conforman las agendas políticas indígenas y cómo estas encuentran una coyuntura crítica con la ratificación del convenio 169 de la OIT en 1993, dejando a la población indígena joven alrededor de las agendas adultas.