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“Hashjacking” the Debate: Polarisation Strategies of Germany’s Political Far-Right on Twitter
(2019)
Twitter is a digital forum for political discourse. The emergence of phenomena like fake news and hate speech has shown that political discourse on micro-blogging can become strongly polarised by algorithmic enforcement of selective perception. Recent findings suggest that some political actors might employ strategies to actively facilitate polarisation on Twitter. With a network approach, we examine the case of the German far-right party Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) and their potential use of a “hashjacking” strategy (The use of someone else’s hashtag in order to promote one’s own social media agenda.). Our findings suggest that right-wing politicians (and their supporters/retweeters) actively and effectively polarise the discourse not just by using their own party hashtags, but also by “hashjacking” the political party hashtags of other established parties. The results underline the necessity to understand the success of right-wing parties, online and in elections, not entirely as a result of external effects (e.g. migration), but as a direct consequence of their digital political communication strategy.
Öffentliche Kinderbetreuung und individuelle Fertilitätsentscheidungen in Deutschland und Schweden
(2004)
In starkem Kontrast zu anderen Wissenschaftsnationen hat Deutschland bis vor kurzem kaum Public Policy Schools hervorgebracht. Damit gemeint sind universitäre Einrichtungen, die in der Forschung interdisziplinär und anwendungsorientiert ausgerichtet sind und in der Lehre vornehmlich postgraduelle Abschlüsse anbieten. Zwar gibt es seit der Jahrtausendwende Neugründungen – denken wir an die Hertie School of Governance, die NRW School of Governance oder die Willy-Brand-School of Governance an der Universität Erfurt, die Hochschule für Politik an der Technischen Universität München und in gewisser Hinsicht auch seit längerem die Universität für Verwaltungswissenschaften Speyer – aber es sind letztlich doch wenige im Vergleich zu den zahlreichen Einrichtungen in den USA, Kanada und Großbritannien.
Zum Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts vom 12 September 2012 über den ESM- und den Fiskalvertrag
(2013)
Die Förderung von Forschung und Lehre durch nicht-staatliche Stiftungen und Zuwendungen nimmt zu. Sie ist unverzichtbar, aber umstritten, denn Wissenschaftsförderung ist bei uns eine öffentliche Aufgabe, hauptsächlich in staatlicher Regie. In diesem Band werden deren Ausmaß und Formen, Effektivität und Innovationskraft zivilgesellschaftlicher Wissenschaftsförderung im historischen Überblick, im historischen Vergleich und an konkreten Beispielen diskutiert.
Zivilgesellschaft
(2007)
Rund 3.000 Bewohner Frankfurts und des Rhein-Main-Gebiets wurden nach ihren Lebensbedingungen und ihrer Lebenszufriedenheit befragt, und das Ergebnis ist so spannend wie die gesamte Region: Die Hertie-Studie FrankfurtRheinMain 2010 zeichnet ein vielschichtiges und lesenswertes Bild von der Lebensqualität zwischen Aschaffenburg und Mainz, Darmstadt und Gießen. Dabei schreibt sie die erfolgreiche und vieldiskutierte Hertie-Berlin-Studie 2009 fort und erweitert diese Stadtstudie neuen Typs um regionale Fragestellungen: Was verbindet Frankfurt mit dem Umland? Wie blickt die Region auf die Mainmetropole? Was eint die Menschen, was trennt sie? Spiegelt das Rhein-Main-Gebiet in der Wahrnehmung der Menschen Lebensrealität wider oder ist diese Region ein Konstrukt?
Contrary to conventional wisdom, even Xi Jinping, who is often depicted in the media and pundit world as having centralized control over nearly every dimension of Chinese governance, still must rely on powerful technology corporations to carry out his will in the increasingly important Internet sector. This suggests a model of political control significantly more nuanced than most observers realize. This chapter argues that Xi Jinping does not rule the Internet and more specifically social media via a tight command-and-control structure, which implies that he is the ultimate decision-maker and companies simply implement his policy decisions. Instead, the chapter demonstrates based on process-tracing that China’s governance of the Internet is best understood as a corporate management model, whereby the Chinese state engages in a partnership with technology companies. Xi Jinping assumes a leadership role enforced by state instruments of control and cooptation strategies. At the same time, the state remains dependent on companies due to their informational, organizational, and institutional resources.
Wutbürger in Wonderland
(2012)
Work Disability and Divorce
(2020)
This chapter uses German register to study the influence of divorce on the uptake of work disability. Information on work disability is included in the register data if sick leave extends beyond 42 days of illness. Thus, our analysis focuses on long-term health issues. We compare divorced men and women over a period of 12 years, starting 7 years before they filed for a divorce and ending 4 years thereafter. As a method, we use matching techniques, which enables us to compare the divorcees with a comparable control group of people who did not divorce. We show that health declined considerably around the time of separation and file opening. Even 4 years after they filed for a divorce, the divorcees’ risk of taking work disability was strongly elevated. However, a portion of the differences in the health status of the divorcees and the control group can be attributed to selection, because the health status of the divorcees had been lower than the health status of the control group 7 years before they filed for a divorce. The chapter concludes with a discussion on the societal consequences of divorce.