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Familie hat für das persönliche Wohlbefinden eine große Bedeutung – das gilt vor allem für Geflüchtete, deren Familienmitglieder oftmals im Herkunftsland zurückbleiben. Dieser Bericht nimmt die Familienstruktur von Geflüchteten, die zwischen Januar 2013 und Januar 2016 nach Deutschland kamen, und deren Wohlbefinden erstmals detailliert unter die Lupe. Er basiert auf Daten der IAB-BAMF-SOEP-Stichprobe von nach Deutschland Geflüchteten. Insgesamt haben neun Prozent der 18- bis 49-Jährigen minderjährige Kinder, die im Ausland leben. Zwölf Prozent dieser Geflüchteten haben einen Ehepartner oder eine Ehepartnerin im Ausland. Befindet sich die Kernfamilie in Deutschland – was bei Frauen deutlich häufiger der Fall ist als bei Männern –, sind die Geflüchteten messbar zufriedener mit ihrem Leben. Diese Befunde bestätigen sich auch dann, wenn weitere potentielle Faktoren für das Wohlbefinden berücksichtigt werden. Für eine gelungene Migrations-, Integrations- und Familienpolitik sollten diese Erkenntnisse stärker beachtet werden – nicht zuletzt in der Debatte um den Familiennachzug.
Dieser Beitrag untersucht den „Gender Pension Gap“ in Deutschland auf Basis der sechsten Welle des „Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe“ (SHARE-RV), welcher mit Registerdaten der Deutschen Rentenversicherung aus dem Jahr 2015 verbunden wurde. In die Untersuchung gehen Frauen und Männer der Geburtsjahrgänge 1930 bis 1955 ein. Für diese Kohorten existiert in Westdeutschland ein erheblicher „Gender Pension Gap“. Frauen dieser Geburtsjahrgänge haben im Schnitt nur halb so hohe Anwartschaften in der gesetzlichen Rentenversicherung aufgebaut wie Männer. Im Vergleich zu verheirateten und verwitweten Frauen können ledige und geschiedene Frauen in Westdeutschland deutlich höhere Altersrenten vorweisen. Geschiedene Frauen dieser Kohorten konnten vor allem aufgrund des Versorgungsausgleichs ihre Rentenanwartschaften um etwa 20 Prozent erhöhen. Bei westdeutschen Männern zeigt sich hingegen ein umgekehrter Zusammenhang, d.h. ledige und geschiedene Männer erhalten im Vergleich zu anderen Männern stark unterdurchschnittliche Altersrenten. In Ostdeutschland existiert kein Zusammenhang zwischen Familienstand und Rentenniveau.
Abstract:
The Gender Pension Gap in East and West Germany: How Does Divorce Affect Old-Age Pensions?
This study examines the gender pension gap in Germany based on data from the sixth wave of the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE-RV). This data has been combined with register data from the German Pension Fund of the year 2015. The analytical sample for our analysis includes women and men born between 1930 and 1955. We observe a substantial gender pension gap for West Germans of these cohorts. Women have earned only half of the pension credits of men. Comparing pension entitlements by family status, one finds that single and divorced West German women were able to collect much higher pension entitlements than their married or widowed counterparts. Divorced women could profit from the splitting of pension points that is conducted after divorce. The equalization of the pension points in the case of divorce increases West German women’s pensions by about 20 percent.
For West German men the relationship is vice versa: Single and divorced men are at a particular
risk of receiving a low old age pension. There is no relationship between family status and pension entitlements in East Germany, though.
This article uses data from the German microcensuses of 2007 and 2012 to examine gender differences in welfare reliance among lone parents. Binary logistic regression was employed as the method of analysis. We show that the risk of welfare benefit receipt is lower among lone fathers than lone mothers. We also find that these gender differences can be partially explained by the socio-economic characteristics of lone fathers; compared to lone mothers, lone fathers are, on average, better educated and more likely to be living with older children. Gender differences decreased over time among parents who have never married, but remained constant among divorced parents. We present a discussion of our findings in light of recent policy reforms, in particular the reform of the German Maintenance Law of 2008, which curbed the ability of a divorced parent to collect support from an ex-spouse.
This chapter examines gender differences in “multipartner fertility” – i.e., having children with several partners – in Germany and Finland. The analyses focus on women and men born around 1970 who are followed until age 41. We show that multipartner fertility is more common in Finland than in Germany. However, there are large East-West differences within Germany. East Germans are less likely to have a second or third child than West Germans, but those East Germans who progress to a higher order birth often have this child with a new partner. We also find some gender differences in behaviour. Men display lower transition rates than women of having a second child with a new partner. Further, having a first child at an early age is strongly and positively associated with multipartner fertility. No consistent relationship between education and multipartner fertility was found for Germany. In Finland, however, low education is associated with elevated risks of having children with different partners.
This paper uses data from the Migrant Samples of the German Socio-Economic Panel to study the fertility behaviour of women who migrated to Germany between 1990 and 2015. Special emphasis is placed on the large groups of migrants who have moved to Germany from Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries since the 1990s. We find that CEE migrants had higher first birth, but much lower second birth rates than migrants from other European countries. Different from the pattern of African and Middle Eastern migrants, we do not find a spike in first birth rates after migration. We also examined differences within the group of migrants from CEE-countries. In particular, we examined whether Ethnic German migrants differed from migrants who moved as third country national or those who moved after their country became EU-members with the right to free movement of labor. We find that CEE-migrants who moved when their country was a member state of the European Union display strongly reduced first birth rates.
This open access book assembles landmark studies on divorce and separation in European countries, and how this affects the life of parents and children. It focuses on four major areas of post-separation lives, namely (1) economic conditions, (2) parent-child relationships, (3) parent and child well-being, and (4) health. Through studies from several European countries, the book showcases how legal regulations and social policies influence parental and child well-being after divorce and separation. It also illustrates how social policies are interwoven with the normative fabric of a country. For example, it is shown that father-child contact after separation is more intense in those countries which have adopted policies that encourage shared parenting. Correspondingly, countries that have adopted these regulations are at the forefront of more egalitarian gender role attitudes. Apart from a strong emphasis on the legal and social policy context, the studies in this volume adopt a longitudinal perspective and situate post-separation behaviour and well-being in the life course. The longitudinal perspective opens up new avenues for research to understand how behaviour and conditions prior or at divorce and separation affect later behaviour and well-being. As such this book is of special appeal to scholars of family research as well as to anyone interested in the role of divorce and separation in Europe in the 21st century.
Since the 1970s, several European countries have experienced high union dissolution risk as well as high unemployment rates. The extent to which adverse economic conditions are associated with union instability is still unknown. This study explores the relationship between both individual and aggregate unemployment and union dissolution risk in five European countries before the recent economic crisis. Using rich longitudinal data from Belgium, Finland, France, Germany, and Italy, the empirical analysis, based on discrete-time event history models, shows that male unemployment consistently increases the risk of union dissolution. While a strong association is observed between male unemployment and separation at the micro level, no association is found between male unemployment and union dissolution at the macro level. The results for female unemployment are mixed, and the size of the impact of female unemployment is smaller in magnitude than that of male unemployment. In Germany and Italy, where until very recently work has been less compatible with family life than in other countries, female unemployment is not significantly associated with union dissolution.
Anticipatory analysis and its alternatives in life-course research. Part 2: Marriage and first birth
(2006)
In the second part of these reflections, we use the connection between marriage and first childbearing to demonstrate further issues involved in anticipatory analysis. We show that an anticipatory approach cannot be used to represent intentionality: People may marry with the intention of having a child, but the analyst should be wary of using anticipatory analysis to pick that up.
This paper examines gender differences in “multipartner fertility” – i.e., having children with several partners – in Germany and Finland. The analyses focus on women and men born around 1970 who are followed until age 41. We show that multipartner fertility is more common in Finland than in Germany. However, there are large East-West differences within Germany. East Germans are less likely to have a second or third child than West Germans, but those East Germans who progress to a higher order birth more often have this child with a new partner. We also find some gender differences in behaviour. Men display lower transition rates than women of having a second child with a new partner. We also examined individual-level factors associated with multipartner fertility. Having a first child at an early age is strongly and positively associated with
multipartner fertility. No consistent relationship between education and multipartner
fertility was found for Germany. In Finland, however, low education is associated with elevated risks of having children with different partners.
The economic foundation of the family has shifted gradually in European countries. Female work no longer suppresses fertility. Instead, women’s employment and labour market integration have become a prerequisite for family formation in many countries. Pivotal for this development was the expansion of childcare, which allowed parents to better combine work and family life.