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¿Qué es la corrupción?, ¿cómo detectarla? y ¿cómo combatirla? Son preguntas que emergieron en los últimos años en América Latina en un contexto marcado por su posicionamiento en la palestra mundial como una de las regiones más corruptas del planeta. Hacia el año 2013, las denuncias periodísticas por corrup-ción involucraron a cerca de trece países en la región (Gestión, 2017). Esta situación dio por sentada que la corrupción era (es) el principal tópico de preo-cupación en la región. Según Transparencia Internacional (2017), en promedio, América Latina se ubica en el cuartil superior entre los países corruptos a nivel mundial, situación preocupante para la región. Los altos índices de corrupción no sólo afectan la calidad y cantidad de gasto público, encarecen la inversión privada, reducen el acceso a los servicios públicos para la ciudadanía y detienen el desarrollo, sino que sus efectos también son sistémicos: influyen en las rela-ciones cotidianas entre ciudadanía y Estado y las distorsiona creando una ins-titucionalidad paralela. En otras palabras, genera una cultura de transgresión.
Las políticas de seguridad desarrolladas por el Estado peruano durante los años 80 han sido causantes de innumerables muertes, desapariciones y violaciones de derechos humanos. En la actualidad, con remanentes subversivos y una zona infestada por el narcotráfico (el VRAEM), la atención a las políticas y estrategias desarrolladas por el Estado para afrontar esta problemática es crucial. En tal sentido, este artículo reseña las principales decisiones del gobierno peruano desde el año 2000 hasta la actualidad, en materia de políticas de seguridad para la zona en conflicto denominada VRAEM desentrañado las estrategias utilizadas para afrontar a Sendero Luminoso y cómo estas han violado, reiteradamente, los derechos fundamentales de las poblaciones aledañas a la zona en conflicto.
Diego A. Salazar-Morales In 1991, Peru’s autocratic leader Alberto Fujimori ordered the military to intervene in public universities, claiming that the Maoist organisation Shining Path had long been encouraging students’ ideological radicalisation. Together with this measure, Fujimori also introduced an aggressive privatisation scheme for Peru’s higher education system consisting of tax exemptions, consultancies for private universities, and a lack of general regulatory oversight. After ten years of military intervention and in the wake of Fujimori’s regime (1990–2000) , a dual system was established: a system of well-funded private universities, connected to international academic centres, serving the Peruvian elites; and another system of underfunded public universities, with few international connections, and peripheral to the global academic debate. However, this divide has not only led to marked differences in education quality and access to the job market, it has also created a stigma around public university students and their organised attempts to...
Latin American (LA) civil services have traditionally been characterized by their rapid personnel rotation, unstructured careers schemes, and networks that are primarily based on patronage loyalties. During the twentieth century, the civil service in Latin America has undergone several stages of reform as a result of structural adjustment programs and conditional loans from international institutions, which, together with the regions’ own political development, have created a complex system of hybrid forms of civil service. The coexistence of highly technocratic institutions (“isles of efficiency”) and more patronage-oriented institutions is therefore common in Latin America. Furthermore, these institutions also produce different types of civil servants ranging from technocratic to political.
This chapter provides a general overview of the theoretical discussions concerning the study of civil services in LA by comparing approaches focusing on “state capacity” or “administrative tradition.” According to the state capacity approach, scholars have largely explained the role and functions of civil servants based on their capacities and their relative political autonomy, while the administrative tradition approach emphasizes their access to state positions and whether or not they are meritocratic. Based on these discussions, this chapter proposes a fourfold categorization of civil servants (patronage appointees, technocrats, partisan loyalists, and careerists) that coexist in LA bureaucracies. The chapter concludes by briefly summarizing the central ideas of the civil servant typology and the potential challenges with regard to their application in practice.
An issue that the European Union continues to face is how to coordinate the economic and fiscal policies of its member states. Recent reforms that created the European Semester require additional information concerning member states’ fiscal plans for the Commission and Council to review more rigorously. Spain has developed similar provisions for its regions. In this paper, Mark Hallerberg and Diego Salazar-Morales consider the possible lessons arising from the emerging federation in Spain for the European framework. They analyse the performance of Spain’s fiscal federalist framework with a special emphasis on its coordination and political relationship with the autonomous regions. Their findings suggest that coordination agreements are negatively correlated with balances, indicating that such agreements are indicators of fiscal problems and also that they did not contribute to lower deficits. Moreover, they find that politics, rather than fiscal rules and frameworks, led to differing fiscal performance. The paper concludes with lessons from Spain’s experience for the European Union.
El Cuerpo de Gerentes Públicos de SERVIR nace de un proceso de aprendizaje enriquecedor que supone un reto para la reconversión de la burocracia nacional tradicional hacia una moderna y más eficiente a partir de experiencias latinoamericanas similares. SERVIR, mediante esta experiencia, nos demuestra que la política pública no es un proceso de una sola dirección, que las fases pueden variar y que la creatividad es un aspecto fundamental para imaginar opciones y alternativas frente a un número de retos que la gestión pública nos presenta. Pero no solo es creatividad, también se trata de instinto al identificar los precisos momentos en los que apostar por un proyecto y cuándo salir.
Crónica de un Conflicto anunciado. El caso del conflicto social en Bagua (5 y 6 de junio de 2009)
(2013)
Los acontecimientos que se suscitaron el 5 de junio de 2009 en el poblado amazónico de Bagua presentan una serie de antecedentes, decisiones y estrategias adoptadas por parte del Estado y a una serie de actores políticos que hacen que su estudio sea particularmente interesante. Nos encontramos frente a un suceso que cambia la manera de entender y manejar los conflictos sociales en la política nacional.
Fragmentación y desarticulación son algunas de las características de las organizaciones indígenas en el Perú. En medio de dicho escenario las agendas juveniles aparecen sub representadas y consumidas por reivindicaciones más “adultas” que se centran en los derechos colectivos y la Ley de Consulta Previa. A lo largo de los años la conformación de las agendas indígenas ha sido reactiva a las acciones del Estado peruano, a su vez, han configurado una coyuntura crítica donde la posesión de los derechos colectivos, por su importancia política, ha opacado algunas de las demandas juveniles. El presente artículo explora los procesos bajo los cuales se conforman las agendas políticas indígenas y cómo estas encuentran una coyuntura crítica con la ratificación del convenio 169 de la OIT en 1993, dejando a la población indígena joven alrededor de las agendas adultas.
During the euro crisis, the sustainability of Spain’s debt burden was called into question. By 2019, however, Spain had successfully navigated its own crisis and reduced its debt burden. What role did Spain’s emerging fiscal federal system play in this recovery? We analyze the performance of Spain’s fiscal federalist framework and how it affected the country’s budgetary balance, with a special emphasis on its coordination and on political relationships within the autonomous regions. Contrary to what advocates of the benefits of fiscal coordination argue, we find that coordination does not prevent the erosion of fiscal discipline in regions. Our results show that politics, rather than fiscal rules and frameworks, play an important role and have led to differing fiscal performance. In regions where incumbents were re-elected, coordination is employed to ensure more positive budgetary balances. Conversely, in regions with changing incumbents, coordination serves as an indicator of future fiscal problems.
This article, building on the emerging theoretical corpus of “reputation theory” provides an alternative explanation about how successful policies are obtained in contexts of bureaucratic weakness and volatile politics. The argument is that politicians choose to intervene in delivering successful policies based on how contributable such policies are to construct their political reputations. The findings suggest that in both countries, less tenured politicians face higher incentives to build their reputations, so they choose to deliver better policies to accumulate “successful experiences” as vitae for electoral purposes. Tenured politicians, in turn, opt for inaction or strategic delivery, to preserve their already won political reputations. The present article brings evidence from the education sector of Peru and Bolivia, a sector that has been at the core of these countries' priorities for decades. Through a mixed methods approach involving a panel regression and in‐depth interviews, results obtained largely confirm this article's claims.
This article explains how after 43 years of unsatisfactory outcomes, the Ministry of Education of Peru (MoE) suddenly ranked at the top of governmental performance tables. To do so, this study relies on implementation and major discussions of policy instrument theories to provide a comprehensive explanation of the reasons underlying the MoE’s improvements. Methodologically, this research employs the mixed research methods paradigm. It combines process-tracing and regression analysis. The analyses show that the MoE underwent three major events in its route to achieve policy success. First, the approval of a long-term policy plan (National Educative Plan to 2021); second, the contentious legitimisation of governmental policies against Peru’s teachers’ union and its eventual defeat; and, third, the recentralisation of historically dispersed control functions in the MoE. The results indicate that upon the occurrence of these reforms, MoE’s bureaucrats could gain teachers’ legitimacy and eventually achieve complementarity of policy tools. In fact, the multiple regression analysis suggests positive and significant interdependence between the set of tools employed by MoE officers: parents’ voluntary monetary contribution to schools (sermon), economic incentives to outperform schools (carrots) and trimestral oversight of schools’ performance (sticks). Results also show that MoE’s tools are positively associated with satisfactory student-learning outcomes.
Los experimentos comerciales en América Latina han sido extremos, en muchos casos radicales, y en otros, guiados por la presencia de potencias extranjeras que expanden sus intereses en la región (Jordana y Ramió, 2002). En este conjunto de experiencias, América Latina se debate entre iniciativas locales fundamentadas en pactos internacionales que permitirían elevar el nivel de competitividad y el poder de negociación de sus países. Hasta la fecha, la región cuenta con aproximadamente 30 organismos multilaterales, los cuales han sido creados con fines de integración, pero más importante, con el objetivo de alinear proyectos económicos con proyectos políticos (López-Bermúdez, Freire y Montes, 2018). Estos, a su vez, se alinearon con los intereses de grandes potencias extranjeras y persiguen acuerdos comerciales con ellas de tal forma que reflejan también opciones políticas. Tal vez la más clara de las diferencias muestran la división entre bloques económicos (Milán et.al. 2015). En el 2004, en la Habana, Cuba, se creó la Alianza Bolivariana, o ALBA, que busca la integración comercial autóctona en América Latina, en respuesta a las pretensiones estadounidenses de establecer un área de libre comercio en la Américas (Botto 2015). Es importante recalcar que este bloque comercial, a su vez, buscó establecer un área de libre comercio bajo la doctrina política del bolivarianismo -de largo discutido hasta el día de hoy. Indudablemente las alineaciones políticas y comerciales del ALBA indujeron la entrada de potencias emergentes como Rusia, China y entonces Brasil que también promovieron una política comercial alternativa a los Estados Unidos (Bartesaghi, 2015).
Organization studies have long built a ‘business case’ for diversity, which today includes innovation capacity among the benefits of diverse workforces. Diversity’s impact on innovation has been tested in private firms, yet no systematic study exists in public management. We address this challenge using a twostep dynamic panel data analysis via generalised methods of moments estimation in 36 European countries. The findings confirm that higher public workforce diversity leads to higher public sector innovation. This effect, however, is mediated by the administrative ecosystem, where greater uniformity in managerial practices makes diversity more salient, an obstacle to unleash its innovative potential.
Organizational studies have long built a ‘business case’ for diversity, which today includes innovation capacity among the benefits of diverse workforces. Diversity’s impact on innovation has been tested in private firms, yet few systematic studies exist in public management. We address this challenge using a two-step dynamic panel data analysis via generalized methods of moment estimation in 36 European countries. The findings confirm that higher public workforce diversity leads to higher public service innovation. This effect, however, is mediated by the administrative ecosystem, where greater uniformity in managerial practices makes diversity more salient, an obstacle to unleash its innovative potential.
Following the establishment of the World Trade Organisationin January 1995, American and European trade relationships werefor a timecharacterised by ‘competitive interdependence’,astheUS and EUsimultaneously aimedtoadvance their commercial interests inthird countries. Under conditions of competitive interdependence, trade actorsresort to certain policy choices to gain advantage for their producers while restricting others’ ability to enter a market (Sbragia, 2010).In the last decade, however, European and American trade policymakers have facedthe challenges of a more competitive world and the emergence of newer trade powers such as China. Both actors have veered away frommultilateral deals as their preferred trade policy choices. In this paper, weuse the Sbragia (2010) framework to analyse the trade policy shifts made bythe EU and the US in the last decade. We argue that what had been a competitive interdependence relationship has recently changed toa trilateral structure in which both the EU and the US have focused their attention on countering Chinese competition. Moreover, China’s emergence has also pushed the USto reinvigorate the role of unilateralism and the EU to bolsterbilateralism as they both seek to secure their commercial shares worldwide.