European integration has been accompanied by differentiation and debates on it are not new. Differentiated integration has received wide scholarly attention and there is a rich and diverse academic literature related to the concept. At the same time, there is the growing belief among European policymakers that more flexibility is needed within the complex EU machinery. To deal with the EU’s unprecedented internal and external challenges, several European leaders have argued that differentiation could contribute to a stronger EU. With the exception of a few studies, the discussion has, however, paid little attention to public opinion. Drawing on the results of an opinion poll conducted between August and September 2020 in the 27 EU member states and four non-EU states, this policy paper addresses this gap in the current political debate. It examines the preferences on European integration among citizens in order to formulate options for differentiated integration as a policy choice. Against this background, the paper proposes a set of three policy recommendations for European policymakers: (i) foster knowledge of differentiated integration among European citizens, (ii) promote and reform the Schengen area and (iii) adopt a tailor-made approach to external differentiation.
In April, the EU’s member states approved the formulate a European strategy for the Indo-Pacific region. To implement this new strategy, the EU has worked on a communication on cooperation in the Indo-Pacific. What can be reasonably expected from this long-awaited policy document? In this policy position, Anna Stahl argues why the EU needs an Indo-Pacific strategy and explains what it can deliver.
At a time when the world is facing the unprecedented challenge of a pandemic and a variety of other pressing global issues, the EU needs to assert a new geopolitical identity and reshape its relations with international players, in particular Africa and China. On the basis of recommendations formulated by a group of distinguished European, African and Chinese experts, this policy paper proposes an EU strategic agenda for cooperation with Africa and China. The ambitious trilateral cooperation strategy is centred around three policy areas: health, economic development, good governance and security.
The EU “must relearn the language of power and geopolitics”. Both the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell, share this conviction. They announced their ambition as soon as they took office in 2019, arguing that only by fostering its geopolitical identity would the EU be able to compete with major powers.
The Covid-19 pandemic and growing tensions between the U.S. and China brought even greater global attention to this year’s American presidential election. Despite the victory of the Democratic challenger Joe Biden, America’s relations with China will not significantly alter and rather resemble an iron fist in a velvet glove. While U.S.-China great power rivalry will remain the new reality, Biden’s victory could mark the beginning of a new transatlantic alliance and contribute to the EU’s geopolitical ambition. In this policy paper, Anna Stahl and Yixiang Xu argue that the EU should seize the opportunity of U.S. interest
in closer collaboration on China and offer a ten-point agenda for an EUU. S. dialogue on China. Moreover, this policy paper offers innovative policy recommendations for new formats of trilateral and multilateral cooperation with China and the U.S.
The coronavirus crisis accentuates many of the
existing tensions in EU-China relations. While some see China’s economic rebound as a main factor in Europe’s own recovery, the crisis will also harden the country’s
adherence to a state-led development model, further reduce its willingness to level the playing field and intensify big power competition with the U.S. This policy paper argues that the EU should not overestimate its dependencies on China and take a robust stance in ongoing negotiations, for example regarding the Comprehensive Investment Agreement. Moreover, the EU should further strengthen its ability to counter the distorting effects of Chinese economic practices and step up efforts to shield itself from the negative repercussions of the geo-economic rivalry between China and the U.S.
The coronavirus pandemic accelerates some of the global trends that fueled the EU’s geopolitical ambition while raising the challenges that come with its enactment. This policy paper reviews the implications for the EU while focusing on three key relationships: China, the US and Africa. It argues that the pandemic represents an opportunity for EU global leadership and shows what that could look like.