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Das europäische Ausschusswesen gilt vielen als eine der großen Untiefen der europäischen Politik, die gleichzeitig eine hohe Aussagekraft für die Funktionsweise des Gesamtsystems hat. Joseph Weiler beschrieb es Ende der neunziger Jahre als „a new sub-atomic particle, a neutrino or a quark, affecting the entirety of molecular physics which requires an account of both the phenomenon itself and the way it impacts upon the rest of nuclear understanding” (Weiler 1999, S. 340). Und doch meinten die Autoren dieses Textes vor nunmehr über fünfzehn Jahre genau hier normative Gehalte, gar den Kern der Legitimität europäischen Regierens, sehen zu können (Joerges und Neyer 1997a, 1997b).
Law and Politics i n Europe’s Crisis: On the History of the Impact of a n Unfortunate Configuration
(2014)
Zum Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts vom 12 September 2012 über den ESM- und den Fiskalvertrag
(2013)
De la integrarea prin drept la criza financiară: Ce a mai rămas din constituţia economică europeană?
(2013)
This paper will defend the 'conflicts-law approach' and develop a step further an approach to European law which I call "conflicts-law constitutionalism". The argument will proceed in three distinct steps. I will first recall very briefly the legacy of the 'integration through law' project and submit that the conflicts-law approach can be understood as an effort to rewrite and to re-conceptualise the project of Europe's 'integration trough law' (II). The main section of the paper will confront the legacy of 'integration through law' with Karl Polanyi's economic sociology and its warnings against the commod if ication of land, labour and money (III). On that basis the potential of the conflicts-law approach will be explored in three scenarios which the commod if ication of these goods have provoked (IV). The concluding part will contrast the approach with Jürgen Habermas' renewed plea for a demoaatisation of the European project on the one hand and the Großraum theory of Habermas' favourite enemy on the other (V).
Unity in Diversity” was the fortunate motto of the otherwise unfortunate Draft Constitutional Treaty. The motto did not make it in to the Treaty of Lisbon. It deserves to be kept alive in a new constitutional perspective, namely the re-conceptualisation of European law as new type of conflicts law. The new type of conflicts law which the paper advocates is not concerned with selecting the proper legal system in cases with connections to various jurisdictions. It is instead meant to respond to the increasing interdependence of formerly more autonomous legal orders and to the democracy failure of constitutional states which result from the external effects of their laws and legal decisions on non-nationals. European has many means to compensate these shortcomings. It can derive its legitimacy from that compensatory potential without developing federal aspirations. The paper illustrates this approach with the help of a topical example, namely the conflict between European economic freedoms and national industrial relations (collective labour)law. The recent jurisprudence of the ECJ in Viking, Laval, and Rüffert in which the Court established the supremacy of the freedoms over national labour law is criticised as a counterproductive deepening of Europe's constitutional asymmetry and its social deficit. The introductory and the concluding sections generalise the perspectives of the conflicts-law approach. The introductory section takes issue with max Weber’s national state. The concluding section suggests a three-dimensional differentiation of the approach which seeks to respond to the need for transnational regulation and governance.