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Das europäische Ausschusswesen gilt vielen als eine der großen Untiefen der europäischen Politik, die gleichzeitig eine hohe Aussagekraft für die Funktionsweise des Gesamtsystems hat. Joseph Weiler beschrieb es Ende der neunziger Jahre als „a new sub-atomic particle, a neutrino or a quark, affecting the entirety of molecular physics which requires an account of both the phenomenon itself and the way it impacts upon the rest of nuclear understanding” (Weiler 1999, S. 340). Und doch meinten die Autoren dieses Textes vor nunmehr über fünfzehn Jahre genau hier normative Gehalte, gar den Kern der Legitimität europäischen Regierens, sehen zu können (Joerges und Neyer 1997a, 1997b).
Law and Politics i n Europe’s Crisis: On the History of the Impact of a n Unfortunate Configuration
(2014)
Zum Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts vom 12 September 2012 über den ESM- und den Fiskalvertrag
(2013)
De la integrarea prin drept la criza financiară: Ce a mai rămas din constituţia economică europeană?
(2013)
This paper will defend the 'conflicts-law approach' and develop a step further an approach to European law which I call "conflicts-law constitutionalism". The argument will proceed in three distinct steps. I will first recall very briefly the legacy of the 'integration through law' project and submit that the conflicts-law approach can be understood as an effort to rewrite and to re-conceptualise the project of Europe's 'integration trough law' (II). The main section of the paper will confront the legacy of 'integration through law' with Karl Polanyi's economic sociology and its warnings against the commod if ication of land, labour and money (III). On that basis the potential of the conflicts-law approach will be explored in three scenarios which the commod if ication of these goods have provoked (IV). The concluding part will contrast the approach with Jürgen Habermas' renewed plea for a demoaatisation of the European project on the one hand and the Großraum theory of Habermas' favourite enemy on the other (V).
Unity in Diversity” was the fortunate motto of the otherwise unfortunate Draft Constitutional Treaty. The motto did not make it in to the Treaty of Lisbon. It deserves to be kept alive in a new constitutional perspective, namely the re-conceptualisation of European law as new type of conflicts law. The new type of conflicts law which the paper advocates is not concerned with selecting the proper legal system in cases with connections to various jurisdictions. It is instead meant to respond to the increasing interdependence of formerly more autonomous legal orders and to the democracy failure of constitutional states which result from the external effects of their laws and legal decisions on non-nationals. European has many means to compensate these shortcomings. It can derive its legitimacy from that compensatory potential without developing federal aspirations. The paper illustrates this approach with the help of a topical example, namely the conflict between European economic freedoms and national industrial relations (collective labour)law. The recent jurisprudence of the ECJ in Viking, Laval, and Rüffert in which the Court established the supremacy of the freedoms over national labour law is criticised as a counterproductive deepening of Europe's constitutional asymmetry and its social deficit. The introductory and the concluding sections generalise the perspectives of the conflicts-law approach. The introductory section takes issue with max Weber’s national state. The concluding section suggests a three-dimensional differentiation of the approach which seeks to respond to the need for transnational regulation and governance.
This paper discusses the fundamental tensions between economic globalization and democratic politics in the field of international trade governance. The move towards mega-regional trade agreements, as heralded by the controversies over the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) and the Comprehensive Economic Trade Agreement (CETA), has greatly accentuated grievances and is therefore of exemplary importance in the realms of transnational governance. Based on the theoretical frameworks of Karl Polanyi and Dani Rodrik, we examine the decoupling of these agreements from national and democratic control and the resulting legitimacy impasses of transnational governance. Arguing that politics is not a mistake that gets in the way of markets, we submit our own conceptualization of transnational legitimacy. In doing so we suggest a new type of conflicts law which does not seek to overcome socio-economic and political diversity by some substantive transnational regime but responds to diversity with procedural safeguards, thus ensuring space for cooperative problem-solving and the search for fair compromises.
Europe unwell, yet alive
(2016)
This working paper collects a series of personal reflections on the outcome of the Brexit referendum. The essays do not engage with the legal and constitutional issues that arise from this event – these aspects have received comment elsewhere. Rather, the editor has solicited personal reflections from a group whose scholarly journey included the European University Institute, a hub for transforming, and integrating Europe. Aware of this privileged positions, the authors shed light on how the result of the referendum and its aftermath may impact the UK and the European Union.
Im Zentrum des Bandes stehen Austauschprozesse, Vermischungen sowie Konflikte zwischen verschiedenen Rechtskulturen. Dabei geht es um den Transfer von Rechtsordnungen, um lokale autonome Ordnungen in Bezug auf Ordnungen mit generellem Geltungsanspruch, um neue Formen der Hybridisierung in der wechselseitigen Rezeption von Rechtsgrundsätzen oder um die Herausbildung transnationaler Rechtsordnungen und die Frage, ob diese sich als Prozesse der Konstitutionalisierung, der Durchsetzung universaler Rechtsprinzipien oder des Managements von Pluralität deuten lassen.