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At the beginning of the twenty‐first century, the large democracies of Western Europe experienced some of the most prosperous and peaceful decades in human history. Specifically, the United Kingdom, France, Italy and Germany experienced high and stable quality of life, democratic accountability and state capacity between 2000 and 2019, according to the 2022 Berggruen Governance Index. While all four of these countries are among the top performers in the Index, substantial problems lurk beneath the surface. Notably, each failed to capitalise on the low interest rate environment in the decade following the global financial crisis of 2007–2009—albeit in different ways and for different reasons in each country. In particular, low investment in infrastructure and key technologies, the persistence of stubborn regional inequalities, and resulting sluggish GDP growth have prevented the ‘Big Four’ in Western Europe from improving further and future‐proofing their existing gains.
Much of Latin America has experienced a renewed ‘lost decade’, failing to substantially expand quality of life since the late 2000s. While the outcomes of governance performance across the largest countries – including Brazil, Venezuela, Mexico, Colombia, and Argentina – have discrete causes, common themes like internal conflict, corruption, and overreliance on natural resources plague the entire region. Put more generally, the inability to turn democratic accountability into a state mechanism able to deliver economic growth and public goods in a sustainable manner is a liability affecting all five countries. To explore the difficulties that the large Latin American countries have faced in the twenty‐first century, this article examines results from the 2022 Berggruen Governance Index, and then presents three key issues facing the region: insufficient state capacity, flirtations with authoritarianism, and economic inequality and inflation. While the challenges remain substantial, increased regional integration may offer one way out of the predicament.
AbstractThe United States—often hailed as the ‘oldest democracy in the world’ and the ‘leader of the free world’—has fallen on hard times. In addition to recent headline‐grabbing political events that have highlighted its political dysfunction, data from the 2022 Berggruen Governance Index (BGI) reveal that overall state capacity and democratic accountability have been declining for years. Although public goods provision has remained on a steady course, the US still trails much of the developed world. We find this struggling performance is largely the result of neglecting three types of infrastructure: civic, physical and social. Specifically, we argue that the crisis became particularly pronounced due to an insufficient response to the 2008 global financial crisis. Although some recent political achievements could slow the decline, more drastic action will be required to reverse these troubling trends.
Social interactions predominantly take place under the shadow of the future. Previous literature explains cooperation in indefinitely repeated prisoner’s dilemma as predominantly driven by self-interested strategic considerations. This paper provides a causal test of the importance of social preferences for cooperation, varying the composition of interactions to be either homogeneous or heterogeneous in terms of these preferences. Through a series of pre-registered experiments (N = 1,074), we show that groups of prosocial individuals achieve substantially higher levels of cooperation. The cooperation gap between prosocial and selfish groups persists even when the shadow of the future is increased to make cooperation attractive for the selfish and when common knowledge about group composition is removed.
The European Union (“EU”) and India, two of the most significant jurisdictions in the world, are in the process of introducing transformative legal and policy instruments that seek to leverage digital technologies for health. On 15 August 2020, India unveiled its National Digital Health Mission policy - later rolled out as the Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission (“ABDM”) - that seeks to create an open, interoperable digital health ecosystem in the country, enabling various digital health systems to engage with each other and empower individuals to be in control of their health data. On the other hand, on 3rd May 2022, the EU released a proposal for a regulation for a European Health Data Space (“EHDS”) to address health-specific challenges to electronic health data access and sharing and create a common space where natural persons can easily control their electronic health data.
However, considering these jurisdictions' geographical, cultural, and historical dispositions, various concerns emerge that may cause hindrance to these projects. While the EU has demonstrated its highlyadvanced approach towards policy-making in data-relevant domains, including health, India has showcased its efficiency and experience in scaling data systems and making them interoperable. Accordingly, this research paper highlights certain specific policy- and implementation-level concerns that both jurisdictions need to pay heed to while going ahead with their respective projects. Additionally, after studying the various digital healthcare ecosystems in these jurisdictions, the paper makes certain recommendations to work towards a seamless design, development, deployment, and operation of the frameworks.
This chapter introduces the contribution of Europe to the development of human rights ideas, law, and institutions. In a spirit of ‘provincialising Europe’, it argues that Europe’s contributions to human rights are ambivalent and dynamic. The chapter first examines natural rights and rights of citizens as twin, but also potentially conflicting, developments in demarcating Europe’s contributions to human rights. Europe is historically a home of human rights ideas as well as strong critiques and double standards in the use of these ideas. The chapter then examines European contributions to the legalization of human rights with a focus on two institutional Europes: that of the Council of Europe and the European Union. Finally, the chapter reviews contemporary human rights debates, against the backdrop of authoritarianization in Europe on the one hand and demands for new human rights to tackle the climate crisis, and digitalization of modern societies on the other.
Combined survey and web tracking data have great potential for social-scientific research. They allow linking information on online behavior with data on reported offline behavior, opinions, and attitudes. At the same time, ethical, legal, and technical challenges make it difficult to disseminate linked web tracking data to the scientific community. This whitepaper aims to address these challenges by providing guidance for researchers and archivists, discussing legal, practical, and ethical aspects, disclosure risks, and establishing a framework for publishing web tracking data. Recommendations for best practices are also provided based on experiences from a research project funded by the German Consortium for the Social, Behavioural, Educational and Economic Sciences.
The paper explores the role of social partnership for facilitating processes to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in Europe. Social partnership can help to facilitate the transition to lower emissions by negotiating the costs and benefits of climate reducing policies with the workers affected. At the same time, social partnership is stronger in sectors, which have high emissions and might be tempted to reduce the speed of phasing out high emission production processes. The paper uses data from the Structure of Earnings Survey to examine the relationship between bargaining coverage, unionization, wages and industry emissions in EU member states. It analyses these relationships in the context of different growth trajectories towards the knowledge economy. It finds that high-emitting industries tend to have higher profits, wages and lower wage inequality than others. Brown jobs, however, are not better jobs, but benefit from collective bargaining. At the same time, there are significant differences between the member states of the European Union. The paper concludes by discussing how social partnership deals with the dilemma of being rooted in fossil fuel industries while negotiating change.