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This special issue of Global Policy, guest edited by Helmut K. Anheier and Damian Chalmers, brings together leading experts to unpick the prospects of ‘Changing the Debate on Europe’. Produced from the discussions at the inaugural Dahrendorf Symposium, the issue examines the processes that have led to the European Union becoming a space for technical cooperation rather than vigorous political contestation, the resilience of the characterisation of Europe as a utopia and Europe’s need to build a common and democratic social space. All the articles are free to access.
The Encyclopedia of Global Studies is the reference work for the emerging field of global studies. It covers both transnational topics and intellectual approaches to the study of global themes, including the globalization of economies and technologies; the diaspora of cultures and dispersion of peoples; the transnational aspects of social and political change; the global impact of environmental, technological, and health changes; and the organizations and issues related to global civil society.
Soziale Investitionen bezeichnen unterschiedliche Formen privater Beiträge zum Gemeinwohl. Was jedoch als Beitrag zum Gemeinwohl verstanden werden kann, unterliegt dem Diskurs in Zivilgesellschaft und politischer Öffentlichkeit. Aus der Perspektive wirtschafts- und sozialwissenschaftlicher Disziplinen prüfen die Forscher des Heidelberger Centrums für Soziale Investitionen und Innovationen den Erklärungsgehalt dieses neuen forschungsleitenden Konzepts Sozialer Investition. Das Konzept beansprucht die prinzipielle Vergleichbarkeit unterschiedlicher Beiträge zum Gemeinwohl, wie die Arbeit von Stiftungen, Spenden, freiwilliges bürgerschaftliches Engagement und Sozialunternehmertum.
Volume 3 of the Cultures & Globalization series, Creativity and Innovations, explores the interactions between globalization and the forms of cultural expression that are their basic resource. Bringing together over 25 high-profile authors from around the world, this volume addresses such questions as: What impacts does globalization have on cultural creativity and innovation? How is the evolving world 'map' of creativity related to the drivers and patterns of globalization? What are the relationships between creative acts, clusters, genres or institutions and cultural diversity? The volume is an indispensable reference tool for all scholars and students of contemporary arts and culture.
Today is a new metropolitan age and for the first time ever more people live in cities than they do anywhere else. As cities strengthen their international and cultural influence, the global world is acted out most articulately in the world's urban hubs - through its diverse cultures, broad networks and innovative styles of governance. Looking at the city through its internal dynamics, the book examines how governance and cultural policy play out in a national and international framework.
Making a truly global contribution to the literature, editors Isar and Anheier bring together a truly international and highly-respected collection of scholars. In doing so, they skilfully steer debates beyond the city as an economic powerhouse, to cover issues that fully comprehend a city's cultural dynamics and its impact on policy including alternative economies, creativity, migration, diversity, sustainability, education and urban planning.
Innovative in its approach and content, this book is ideal for students, scholars and researchers interested in sociology, urban studies, cultural studies, and public policy.
Foundations play an essential part in the philanthropic activity that defines so much of American life. No other nation provides its foundations with so much autonomy and freedom of action as does the United States. Liberated both from the daily discipline of the market and from direct control by government, American foundations understandably attract great attention. As David Hammack and Helmut Anheier note in this volume, "Americans have criticized foundations for... their alleged conservatism, liberalism, elitism, radicalism, devotion to religious tradition, hostility to religion —in short, for commitments to causes whose significance can be measured, in part, by the controversies they provoke. Americans have also criticized foundations for ineffectiveness and even foolishness."
Their size alone conveys some sense of the significance of American foundations, whose assets amounted to over $530 billion in 2008 despite a dramatic decline of almost 22 percent in the previous year. And in 2008 foundation grants totaled over $45 billion. But what roles have foundations actually played over time, and what distinctive roles do they fill today? How have they shaped American society, how much difference do they make? What roles are foundations likely to play in the future?
This comprehensive volume, the product of a three-year project supported by the Aspen Institute's program on the Nonprofit Sector and Philanthropy, provides the most thorough effort ever to assess the impact and significance of the nation's large foundations. In it, leading researchers explore how foundations have shaped —or failed to shape —each of the key fields of foundation work.
American Foundations takes the reader on a wide-ranging tour, evaluating foundation efforts in education, scientific and medical research, health care, social welfare, international relations, arts and culture, religion, and social change.
The term governance has been used in many contexts and meanings. This paper assesses three logics of control widely associated with governance, namely multi-level governance, the regulatory state and performance management. It questions to what extent these logics are present, are reinforcing or are mutually self-destructive in their effects. This paper explores the field of meat inspection as a critical aspect of the Europeanized food safety regime and concentrates on the cases of Denmark and Germany. The paper concludes that the three logics of control's effects are interactive and that, far from being mutually reinforcing, the various logics are mutually self-destructive and destabilizing.
Die Auseinandersetzungen um Stuttgart 21, Castortransporte, Schulreformen oder Rauchverbote zeigen eines: Das Bedürfnis der Bürgerinnen und Bürger nach politischer Mitsprache und Mitentscheidung ist in den letzten Jahren stark gestiegen. Gleichzeitig verlieren gewohnte politische Lösungskonzepte in einer zunehmend komplexen Welt an Wirkung, wodurch auch die klassische expertenbasierte Politikberatung immer mehr an ihre Grenzen stößt. So kann sich Politik in einer modernen Netzwerkgesellschaft mit seinen dezentralen Wissensressourcen nicht mehr allein durch die Fachexpertise von Think-Tanks, Universitäten, Agenturen und Unternehmensberatungen legitimieren. Neue Formen der Bürgerbeteiligung bieten schließlich auch neue Chancen der Problemlösung und Entscheidungsakzeptanz. Kurz: Auch die Gesellschaft will und kann die Politik erfolgreich beraten.
Politikberatungsforschung
(2010)
Die Verfasser stellen den state of the art im Bereich der Politikberatungsforschung dar. Nach einer Einführung in das Themengebiet und einer Skizze der konzeptionellen und theoretischen Zugänge werden die inhaltliche Beratung (policy advice) und die Beratung, die den politischen Prozess betrifft (political consulting), skizziert. Für beide Spielarten der Politikberatung werden anhand eines beispielhaften Bereichs zentrale Akteure und Handlungsfelder identifiziert und mittels klassischer und aktueller Forschungsarbeiten sowie anderer Schlüsseltexte skizziert. Hinsichtlich des policy advice werden die Beratungsstrukturen der Exekutiven auf Bundes- und Länderebene sowie ausgewählte externe Beratungseinrichtungen berücksichtigt, für das political consulting die zunehmenden Angebote an kommerzieller Kommunikationsberatung ausgewählt. Ein Resümee skizziert auf dieser Basis die Gegenwart und Zukunft der Politikberatungsforschung anhand von Forschungskontroversen, Forschungs- und Wissenslücken sowie Forschungsdesideraten.
Welfare State Formation in the Enlarged European Union: Patterns of Reform in Postcommunist States
(2007)
Eastern Enlargement of the European Union challenged the design of European Welfare states. Many authors discuss the impact of East European social security systems on their West European counterparts and fear a “race to the bottom”. This paper addresses welfare state developments in the eight post-socialist new member states which completed the accession process in 2004, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, and Slovenia (EU-8). We focus on institutional patterns and performance as well as on the impact of internal and external actors of welfare state formation. How do the EU-8 diverge from West European welfare states and how do they fit into the typology of welfare state regimes?
Dass der Sozialstaat in seiner gegenwärtigen Form ein Auslaufmodell ist, darüber besteht mittlerweile weitgehend Konsens. Über die Alternativen wird noch gestritten. Zu den wohl provokantesten Alternativen gehört das Modell der Teilhabegesellschaft: Jeder junge Bürger soll mit 18 Jahren als Startkapital eine steuerfinanzierte Sozialerbschaft von 60 000 Euro erhalten. So soll ihr oder ihm die Chance eröffnet werden, seines eigenen Glückes Schmied zu sein. Die Finanzierung erfolgt aus der Besteuerung von Vermögen und Erbschaften. Die Autoren haben das in den USA entwickelte Modell auf die deutschen Verhältnisse übertragen und durchgerechnet. In einem Anhang nehmen gesellschaftspolitische Vordenker aus Politik und Wissenschaft zu dem Vorschlag Stellung: Warnfried Dettling (CDU), Thomas Meyer (SPD), Ralf Fücks (Bündnis 90/Die Grünen), Katja Kipping (PDS), Jens Beckert (MPI Köln), Gert Wagner (DIW), Hildegard Nickel (Humboldt-Universität) und Wolfgang Schröder (IG Metall).
This article studies comparatively the property restitution policies of Eastern and Western Balkan countries, focusing mostly on internal and external constraints to a permanent solution. The role of the European Court of Human Rights is analyzed in depth, as well as the subtle shift of policy of the EU institutions from the earlier Eastern Balkan accession to the Western Balkans one. While the situation of property restitution in South-Eastern Europe provides clear evidence that Europeanization helps transformation, particularly if the EU openly assumes the role of a transformation agent, it also highlights the limits of its power.
While many histories of the Balkans have been published, some very good and others poor, there is as yet no history of institutions in the Balkans. This is what the contributors to Ottomans into European offer the reader: a history of the most salient political institutions of the region: bureaucracies, judiciaries, democratic elections, free media, local and central government - and their frequently strained relations with traditional institutions. They also examine the selection, evolution, and performance of institutions in the post-Ottoman Balkans, and try to account for variations throughout the region. In writing this institutional history of the Balkans the contributors set themselves two key questions: did the post-Ottoman wave of Europeanization and Western-type institution building fail in the Balkans, and does this explain the region's continuing political fragility? And if this is the case, are there underlying structural determinants explaining that failure which might manifest themselves again in present attempts to re-integrate the region, from Turkey to Albania?
How does regime type affect the poor? Are certain types of regimes better at translating economic growth into consumption for the world's least privileged citizens? We propose an alternative measure of transfers to the poor that is nearly universally available and innately captures distribution: average daily calorie consumption. In sharp contrast to the consumption of material goods or the accumulation of wealth for which humans have shown no upper bound on their ability to achieve, biological limits make it impossible for a small number of individuals to consume most of a nation's calories. Democracies and hybrid regimes—which combine elements of autocracy and democracy—are better at translating economic growth into total calorie consumption than autocracies and perform strikingly similarly in this regard; democracies outperform both hybrid regimes and autocracies, however, in converting growth into higher quality calories from animal sources.
This book investigates the effects of electoral systems on the relative legislative and, hence, regulatory influence of competing interests in society. Building on Ronald Rogowski and Mark Andreas Kayser’s extension of the classic Stigler-Peltzman model of regulation, the authors demonstrate that majoritarian electoral arrangements should empower consumers relative to producers. Employing real price levels as a proxy for consumer power, the book rigorously establishes this proposition over time, within the OECD, and across a large sample of developing countries. Majoritarian electoral arrangements depress real prices by approximately ten percent, all else equal. The authors carefully construct and test their argument and broaden it to consider the overall welfare effects of electoral system design and the incentives of actors in the choice of electoral institutions.
Das europäische Mehrebenensystem wird weithin durch eine spezifische Arbeitsteilung charakterisiert, wonach die europäische Ebene stark im Bereich Pareto-optimierender und eher unpolitischer Marktregulierung sei, den Mitgliedstaaten dagegen die klassischen Staatsaufgaben wie Sicherheit, Besteuerung oder Bildung vorbehalten blieben, die tief in individuelle Belange eingreifen. Der Beitrag zeigt anhand der inneren Sicherheit und der Steuerpolitik, dass sich die EU im Gegensatz zu diesem Standardmodell nicht auf Marktregulierung beschränkt, sondern auch staatliche Kernaufgaben intensiv reguliert. Ursache hierfür sind externe Effekte der Schaffung des gemeinsamen Binnenmarktes und das Fehlen eigenständiger Handlungsmittel in diesen Bereichen, das durch Regulierung kompensiert wird. Durch den vorherrschenden Modus der Regulierung bleiben die Eingriffe der EU aber weithin unsichtbar.
Although international police cooperation is not a new phenomenon and despite its relevance for the monopoly of force, studies applying a political science or international
relations (IR) perspective are scarce. Through a ‘competition of claims’, this article reviews and organizes current literature on cooperation in internal security to highlight crucial points of entry for IR- and political science approaches. While both claims argue along the lines of functionalist regime theory, the ‘informality claim’ stresses state’s interest to uphold autonomy and their accordant preference for informal cooperation. In contrast, the ‘institutionalization claim’ underscores the willingness of states to create formal and strong institutions as they promise effi ciency gains in light of transborder problems. By focusing on central issues in police cooperation (terrorism, drugs, money laundering, organized crime) this review highlights that internal security can become a prospering fi eld for IR- and political science theorizing.
Die Gesundheitssysteme der meisten westlichen Länder sind hauptsächlich auf die kurative Versorgung ausgerichtet. Sie funktionierten solange gut, wie die zu behandelnden Krankheiten tatsächlich geheilt werden konnten. Das ist heute wegen des Vorherrschens von chronischen Krankheiten, wegen individueller und sozialer Einflüsse auf Gesundheit und Krankheit nicht mehr der Fall. Deswegen gewinnen vorbeugende Strategien ebenso an Bedeutung wie krankheitsbegleitende Förderstrategien. Nur wenn sie stärker eingesetzt werden, kann auch der Wettlauf mit den steigenden Kosten der Versorgung gewonnen werden.
Dieses Lehrbuch hat sich in den ersten beiden Auflagen bereits bei der Ausbildung von angehenden Medizinern, Gesundheitswissenschaftlern, Pflegefachleuten und vielen anderen Gesundheitsprofessionen bewährt. Die dritte Auflage wurde gründlich überarbeitet, aktualisiert und ergänzt.