Refine
Year of publication
Document Type
- Part of a Book (7)
- Article (6)
- Working Paper (3)
Is part of the Bibliography
- no (16)
Keywords
Organizational studies have long built a ‘business case’ for diversity, which today includes innovation capacity among the benefits of diverse workforces. Diversity’s impact on innovation has been tested in private firms, yet few systematic studies exist in public management. We address this challenge using a two-step dynamic panel data analysis via generalized methods of moment estimation in 36 European countries. The findings confirm that higher public workforce diversity leads to higher public service innovation. This effect, however, is mediated by the administrative ecosystem, where greater uniformity in managerial practices makes diversity more salient, an obstacle to unleash its innovative potential.
Organization studies have long built a ‘business case’ for diversity, which today includes innovation capacity among the benefits of diverse workforces. Diversity’s impact on innovation has been tested in private firms, yet no systematic study exists in public management. We address this challenge using a twostep dynamic panel data analysis via generalised methods of moments estimation in 36 European countries. The findings confirm that higher public workforce diversity leads to higher public sector innovation. This effect, however, is mediated by the administrative ecosystem, where greater uniformity in managerial practices makes diversity more salient, an obstacle to unleash its innovative potential.
This article explains how after 43 years of unsatisfactory outcomes, the Ministry of Education of Peru (MoE) suddenly ranked at the top of governmental performance tables. To do so, this study relies on implementation and major discussions of policy instrument theories to provide a comprehensive explanation of the reasons underlying the MoE’s improvements. Methodologically, this research employs the mixed research methods paradigm. It combines process-tracing and regression analysis. The analyses show that the MoE underwent three major events in its route to achieve policy success. First, the approval of a long-term policy plan (National Educative Plan to 2021); second, the contentious legitimisation of governmental policies against Peru’s teachers’ union and its eventual defeat; and, third, the recentralisation of historically dispersed control functions in the MoE. The results indicate that upon the occurrence of these reforms, MoE’s bureaucrats could gain teachers’ legitimacy and eventually achieve complementarity of policy tools. In fact, the multiple regression analysis suggests positive and significant interdependence between the set of tools employed by MoE officers: parents’ voluntary monetary contribution to schools (sermon), economic incentives to outperform schools (carrots) and trimestral oversight of schools’ performance (sticks). Results also show that MoE’s tools are positively associated with satisfactory student-learning outcomes.
Los experimentos comerciales en América Latina han sido extremos, en muchos casos radicales, y en otros, guiados por la presencia de potencias extranjeras que expanden sus intereses en la región (Jordana y Ramió, 2002). En este conjunto de experiencias, América Latina se debate entre iniciativas locales fundamentadas en pactos internacionales que permitirían elevar el nivel de competitividad y el poder de negociación de sus países. Hasta la fecha, la región cuenta con aproximadamente 30 organismos multilaterales, los cuales han sido creados con fines de integración, pero más importante, con el objetivo de alinear proyectos económicos con proyectos políticos (López-Bermúdez, Freire y Montes, 2018). Estos, a su vez, se alinearon con los intereses de grandes potencias extranjeras y persiguen acuerdos comerciales con ellas de tal forma que reflejan también opciones políticas. Tal vez la más clara de las diferencias muestran la división entre bloques económicos (Milán et.al. 2015). En el 2004, en la Habana, Cuba, se creó la Alianza Bolivariana, o ALBA, que busca la integración comercial autóctona en América Latina, en respuesta a las pretensiones estadounidenses de establecer un área de libre comercio en la Américas (Botto 2015). Es importante recalcar que este bloque comercial, a su vez, buscó establecer un área de libre comercio bajo la doctrina política del bolivarianismo -de largo discutido hasta el día de hoy. Indudablemente las alineaciones políticas y comerciales del ALBA indujeron la entrada de potencias emergentes como Rusia, China y entonces Brasil que también promovieron una política comercial alternativa a los Estados Unidos (Bartesaghi, 2015).
¿Qué es la corrupción?, ¿cómo detectarla? y ¿cómo combatirla? Son preguntas que emergieron en los últimos años en América Latina en un contexto marcado por su posicionamiento en la palestra mundial como una de las regiones más corruptas del planeta. Hacia el año 2013, las denuncias periodísticas por corrup-ción involucraron a cerca de trece países en la región (Gestión, 2017). Esta situación dio por sentada que la corrupción era (es) el principal tópico de preo-cupación en la región. Según Transparencia Internacional (2017), en promedio, América Latina se ubica en el cuartil superior entre los países corruptos a nivel mundial, situación preocupante para la región. Los altos índices de corrupción no sólo afectan la calidad y cantidad de gasto público, encarecen la inversión privada, reducen el acceso a los servicios públicos para la ciudadanía y detienen el desarrollo, sino que sus efectos también son sistémicos: influyen en las rela-ciones cotidianas entre ciudadanía y Estado y las distorsiona creando una ins-titucionalidad paralela. En otras palabras, genera una cultura de transgresión.
Las políticas de seguridad desarrolladas por el Estado peruano durante los años 80 han sido causantes de innumerables muertes, desapariciones y violaciones de derechos humanos. En la actualidad, con remanentes subversivos y una zona infestada por el narcotráfico (el VRAEM), la atención a las políticas y estrategias desarrolladas por el Estado para afrontar esta problemática es crucial. En tal sentido, este artículo reseña las principales decisiones del gobierno peruano desde el año 2000 hasta la actualidad, en materia de políticas de seguridad para la zona en conflicto denominada VRAEM desentrañado las estrategias utilizadas para afrontar a Sendero Luminoso y cómo estas han violado, reiteradamente, los derechos fundamentales de las poblaciones aledañas a la zona en conflicto.
Diego A. Salazar-Morales In 1991, Peru’s autocratic leader Alberto Fujimori ordered the military to intervene in public universities, claiming that the Maoist organisation Shining Path had long been encouraging students’ ideological radicalisation. Together with this measure, Fujimori also introduced an aggressive privatisation scheme for Peru’s higher education system consisting of tax exemptions, consultancies for private universities, and a lack of general regulatory oversight. After ten years of military intervention and in the wake of Fujimori’s regime (1990–2000) , a dual system was established: a system of well-funded private universities, connected to international academic centres, serving the Peruvian elites; and another system of underfunded public universities, with few international connections, and peripheral to the global academic debate. However, this divide has not only led to marked differences in education quality and access to the job market, it has also created a stigma around public university students and their organised attempts to...
Latin American (LA) civil services have traditionally been characterized by their rapid personnel rotation, unstructured careers schemes, and networks that are primarily based on patronage loyalties. During the twentieth century, the civil service in Latin America has undergone several stages of reform as a result of structural adjustment programs and conditional loans from international institutions, which, together with the regions’ own political development, have created a complex system of hybrid forms of civil service. The coexistence of highly technocratic institutions (“isles of efficiency”) and more patronage-oriented institutions is therefore common in Latin America. Furthermore, these institutions also produce different types of civil servants ranging from technocratic to political.
This chapter provides a general overview of the theoretical discussions concerning the study of civil services in LA by comparing approaches focusing on “state capacity” or “administrative tradition.” According to the state capacity approach, scholars have largely explained the role and functions of civil servants based on their capacities and their relative political autonomy, while the administrative tradition approach emphasizes their access to state positions and whether or not they are meritocratic. Based on these discussions, this chapter proposes a fourfold categorization of civil servants (patronage appointees, technocrats, partisan loyalists, and careerists) that coexist in LA bureaucracies. The chapter concludes by briefly summarizing the central ideas of the civil servant typology and the potential challenges with regard to their application in practice.
This article, building on the emerging theoretical corpus of “reputation theory” provides an alternative explanation about how successful policies are obtained in contexts of bureaucratic weakness and volatile politics. The argument is that politicians choose to intervene in delivering successful policies based on how contributable such policies are to construct their political reputations. The findings suggest that in both countries, less tenured politicians face higher incentives to build their reputations, so they choose to deliver better policies to accumulate “successful experiences” as vitae for electoral purposes. Tenured politicians, in turn, opt for inaction or strategic delivery, to preserve their already won political reputations. The present article brings evidence from the education sector of Peru and Bolivia, a sector that has been at the core of these countries' priorities for decades. Through a mixed methods approach involving a panel regression and in‐depth interviews, results obtained largely confirm this article's claims.
El Cuerpo de Gerentes Públicos de SERVIR nace de un proceso de aprendizaje enriquecedor que supone un reto para la reconversión de la burocracia nacional tradicional hacia una moderna y más eficiente a partir de experiencias latinoamericanas similares. SERVIR, mediante esta experiencia, nos demuestra que la política pública no es un proceso de una sola dirección, que las fases pueden variar y que la creatividad es un aspecto fundamental para imaginar opciones y alternativas frente a un número de retos que la gestión pública nos presenta. Pero no solo es creatividad, también se trata de instinto al identificar los precisos momentos en los que apostar por un proyecto y cuándo salir.