TY - CHAP A1 - Toepler, Stefan A1 - Anheier, Helmut K. ED - List, Regina A. ED - Anheier, Helmut K. ED - Toepler, Stefan T1 - Theories of Nonprofit Sector, Economic T2 - International Encyclopedia of Civil Society KW - Civil Society KW - Sociology Y1 - 2024 SN - 978-3-319-99675-2 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-99675-2_805-1 PB - Springer ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Steininger, Silvia T1 - Silvia Steininger, Review of Laurence Burgorgue-Larsen. The 3 Regional Human Rights Courts in Context: Justice That Cannot Be Taken for Granted JF - European Journal of International Law Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1093/ejil/chae062 VL - 35 IS - 4 SP - 1063 EP - 1068 PB - Oxford University Press (OUP) ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Finnerty, Joseph T1 - How Should the European Court of Human Rights Remedy Violations of Article 18 ECHR? The Case for Remedial Realignment JF - European Convention on Human Rights Law Review N2 - This article assesses whether the European Court of Human Right’s (Court) remedial reasoning in Article 18 European Convention on Human Rights (Convention) judgments coheres with the Court’s merits-based reasoning finding a violation of this particular provision. Article 18 violations have come to highlight structural problems in state parties, most notably complicity from domestic judiciaries and/or state prosecutors in state efforts to restrict Convention rights for anti-democratic ulterior purposes. The article finds that this substantive feature of Article 18 violations does not generally extend to the Court’s approach to formulating remedies and that the Article 18 violation judgments evidence the same remedial oversight generally present in the Court’s broader case law. The article argues, however, that the Court’s remedial approach in Article 18 violation judgments should be highly prescriptive and specific in respect of both individual and general measures on account of the reality that Article 18 serves both individual and constitutional justice and engages the positive dimension of subsidiarity. Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1163/26663236-bja10100 VL - 5 IS - 3 SP - 380 EP - 399 PB - Brill | Nijhoff ER - TY - CHAP A1 - Nugraha, Ignatius Yordan ED - Vanhullebusch, Matthias ED - Forster, Steve ED - Stanford, Ben T1 - Deferring to Consensus and Procedural Rationality: Assessing the European Court of Human Rights’ Approach to Majoritarian Will T2 - The Asian Yearbook of Human Rights and Humanitarian Law N2 - The purpose of this paper is to explore how the European Court of Human Rights has tackled majoritarian will when dealing with ‘hard cases’ of human rights. Under its jurisprudence, the Court has long relied on the existence of a ‘European consensus’ to interpret the European Convention on Human Rights. However, the Court has inconsistently shifted between deference to and rejection of internal consensus, which refers to the prevailing view held by the majority in a particular state. On the one hand, the Court has deferred to an internal consensus that favours restrictions on abortion, but on the other hand, in cases concerning sexual minorities, it has rejected the use of internal consensus to restrict rights. At the same time, with the Court undergoing a procedural turn where the assessment of proportionality is focused on the quality of domestic decision-making rather than a substantive analysis, today the Court is more likely to defer to reasoned and thoughtful internal consensus, which indicates a new Strasbourg-style majoritarian approach to human rights. Y1 - 2024 SN - 978-90-04-70647-7 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004706477_007 VL - 8 SP - 166 EP - 198 PB - Brill | Nijhoff ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Nugraha, Ignatius Yordan T1 - Deferring to Consensus and Procedural Rationality: Assessing the European Court of Human Rights' Approach to Majoritarian Will N2 - The purpose of this paper is to explore how the European Court of Human Rights has tackled majoritarian will when dealing with 'hard cases' of human rights. Under its jurisprudence, the Court has long relied on the existence of a 'European consensus' to interpret the European Convention on Human Rights. However, the Court has inconsistently shifted between deference to and rejection of internal consensus, which refers to the prevailing view held by the majority in a particular state. On the one hand, the Court has deferred to an internal consensus that favours restrictions on abortion, but on the other hand, in cases concerning sexual minorities, it has rejected the use of internal consensus to restrict rights. At the same time, with the Court undergoing a procedural turn where the assessment of proportionality is focused on the quality of domestic decision-making rather than a substantive analysis, today the Court is more likely to defer to reasoned and thoughtful internal consensus, which indicates a new Strasbourg-style majoritarian approach to human rights. Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4995862 PB - SSRN ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Arlinghaus, Johanna A1 - Konc, Théo A1 - Mattauch, Linus A1 - Sommer, Stephan T1 - The effect of information framing on policy support: Experimental evidence from urban policies T2 - Jahrestagung des Vereins für Socialpolitik 2024: Upcoming Labor Market Challenges N2 - Does information influence policy support? We administer a large-scale representative survey with randomised video treatments to test how different policy frames affect citizens’ attitudes towards urban tolls in two large European metropolitan areas without tolls, Berlin-Brandenburg and Paris-Ile de France. Providing information on air pollution increases support by up to 11.4%p, information on climate change and time savings increase support by 7.1 and 6.5 %p, respectively. Treatment effects are stronger in the Paris region, where initial support is lower. We also investigate treatment effect heterogeneity across different socioeconomic characteristics as well as by prior beliefs held about the severity of environmental and traffic problems, and we find weak spillovers of our treatment on the support of other policies. Our findings imply that targeted communication of policy co-benefits can increase policy support across different population groups. Y1 - 2024 UR - https://hdl.handle.net/10419/302449 PB - ZBW - Leibniz Information Centre for Economics CY - Kiel, Hamburg ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Römmele, Andrea T1 - What Actually Is the “New” in the New Enlightenment? JF - Global Perspectives N2 - A Review Essay of Towards a New Enlightenment: The Case for Future-Oriented Humanities, by Markus Gabriel, Christoph Horn, Anna Katsman, Wilhelm Krull, Anna Luisa Lippold, Corine Pelluchon, and Ingo Venzke. Bielefeld: transcript Verlag, 2022 (published simultaneously in both German and English). Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1525/gp.2024.93039 VL - 5 IS - 1 PB - University of California Press ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Michaels, Eva A1 - Sus, Monika T1 - (Not) Coming of age? Unpacking the European Union’s quest for strategic autonomy in security and defence JF - European Security N2 - Russia’s large-scale aggression against Ukraine brought back the debate about the European Union’s strategic autonomy ambitions in security and defence. The notion had slipped off the EU’s radar following the post-2016 thematic shift in strategic autonomy discussions to global economic interdependencies. Our article contributes to an appraisal of the strategic autonomy debate in security and defence since Russia’s full invasion of Ukraine, while also tracing the emergence and revival of the concept over the past 25 years. By unpacking the EU’s quest for strategic autonomy as a process of maturation since the late 1990s, we examine the extent to which the EU has grown into an autonomous security and defence actor. We further discuss the implications of maturation for EU security and defence policy. Drawing on 20 semi-structured interviews with policymakers and foreign policy experts in seven member states, our study brings the underexplored aspect of national acceptability of EU external action to the fore. We show that significant progress has been made regarding both ideational and material aspects of EU security and defence policy. Yet, prevailing differences in underlying national beliefs, perceptions and goals about security and defence continue to hamper the Union’s further maturation. Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2024.2376603 N1 - Open Access publication is funded by the Hertie School Library. VL - 33 IS - 3 SP - 383 EP - 405 PB - Informa UK Limited ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Wilson, Nicole E. A1 - Hankinson, Michael A1 - Magazinnik, Asya A1 - Sands, Melissa T1 - Inaccuracies in Low Income Housing Geocodes: When and Why They Matter JF - Urban Affairs Review N2 - Scholars across disciplines frequently employ data on housing developments subsidized by the National Low Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC). We find that the geographic coordinates for these developments, generated by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD), are frequently inaccurate. Using both the population of data from California and a national sample, we find that HUD-provided geocodes are inaccurate nearly half the time while Google-generated geocodes are almost always more accurate. However, while Google’s geolocation is more likely to be accurate, when it is inaccurate, it deviates from the true location by a much greater distance than HUD. We therefore recommend that scholars use Google-generated geocodes for most research applications where the localized environment matters; however, in studies where observations are aggregated to a larger area, researchers may prefer to use HUD geocodes, which are more frequently inaccurate but typically by smaller distances. Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874231165767 N1 - First published online March 29, 2023 VL - 60 IS - 1 SP - 217 EP - 231 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Ramos, Vincent Jerald T1 - Initial labor market conditions and subsequent fertility behavior JF - Genus N2 - The conditions upon which young adults enter the labor market have been demonstrated to affect various later-life employment and family formation outcomes. After the 2008–2009 Global Financial Crisis, a thick strand of the literature has shown that precarious initial employment leads to postponed childbearing and higher ultimate childlessness. However, it is not only individual conditions that matter. Broader macroeconomic conditions upon entry also matter. The “scarring” literature has illustrated the consequences of entering the labor market during a recession on later life outcomes. Speaking to both strands and using detailed employment and birth histories of labor market entrants in Germany, this paper examines the effects of initial conditions, operationalized using fixed-term employment and recession year entry, on subsequent fertility behavior. To partly address bias from endogenous selection into initial conditions, we employ a two-step estimation strategy combining a non-parametric optimal full matching step and a parametric event history modeling step using the matched data. Results suggest that entering the labor market with a fixed-term contract is persistently and negatively associated with first births up to a decade after entry, and this pattern is pronounced only among women, whereas entering during a recession has persistent negative associations only among men. Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.1186/s41118-024-00233-0 N1 - Open Access publication is funded by the Hertie School Library. VL - 80 PB - Springer Science and Business Media LLC ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Westbury, Philippa A1 - Arlinghaus, Johanna A1 - Bellamy, Rob A1 - Butnar, Isabela A1 - Cox, Emily A1 - Frankhauser, Sam A1 - Gilbert, Alyssa A1 - Hepburn, Cameron A1 - House, Joanna A1 - Lynch, John A1 - Martirosian, Natasha A1 - Mouchos, Evangelos A1 - Rodway-Dyer, Sue A1 - Smith, Steve A1 - Waller, Laurie A1 - Workman, Mark T1 - Delivering Greenhouse Gas Removal in the UK: Priorities for the government T2 - Delivering Greenhouse Gas Removal in the UK Priorities for the government Y1 - 2024 UR - https://co2re.org/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/CO2RE-July-2024-policy-briefing_final-1.pdf PB - CO2 RE, The Greenhouse Gas Removal Hub ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Anheier, Helmut K. A1 - Saraceno, Joseph C. A1 - Knudsen, Edward L. T1 - The 2024 Berggruen Governance Index – Democracy Challenged N2 - THE BERGGRUEN GOVERNANCE INDEX PROJECT (BGI) analyzes the relationship between democratic accountability, state capacity and the provision of public goods. It builds upon prior work that examined the impact of governance and democracy on the quality of life. It is a collaborative project between the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs, the Hertie School, and the Berggruen Institute. Y1 - 2024 UR - https://governance.luskin.ucla.edu/publications-2-2/ PB - UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs CY - Los Angeles ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Knudsen, Edward L. A1 - Anheier, Helmut K. A1 - Saraceno, Joseph C. T1 - Balancing Progress and Democracy: Mexico’s Governance Under Sheinbaum T2 - 2024 Berggruen Governance Index N2 - With the election of Claudia Sheinbaum as Mexico’s first female president on June 2, 2024, the country entered another six-year term under the leadership of the left-wing Morena Party. The previous president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), also of Morena, ruled from 2018 to 2024. This remarkable electoral outcome raises important questions about longer-term trends in Mexican governance and invites comparisons with neighboring countries. Using insights from the 2024 Berggruen Governance Index (BGI), we can look deeper at Mexico’s trajectory. We find that, since 2000, Mexico has struggled to catch up with more developed nations like the U.S or Canada in the governance measures but still outpaces many other Latin American countries. The Morena administrations have embarked on ambitious programs of state building and economic nationalism, but these efforts have been criticized for contributing to democratic backsliding, particularly in the conservative U.S. press. Still, Mexico has achieved a solid degree of economic success, rebounding rapidly after the pandemic and GDP per capita increasing by over 50% since AMLO took over in 2018. Much of this growth has been driven by traditionally poorer southern regions in the country. Despite some signs of success, one of Sheinbaum’s key dilemmas will be to balance a more expanded and effective reach of the state—both geographically and economically—without undermining democratic norms. Given resistance to changes like judicial reform, resource nationalization, and use of the military for state-building projects, this will be a difficult balance to strike. Y1 - 2024 UR - https://ucla.app.box.com/s/pikfz8a7vly1hjq9436gpm8eqf283bek PB - UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs CY - Los Angeles ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Knudsen, Edward L. A1 - Anheier, Helmut K. A1 - Saraceno, Joseph C. T1 - Democratic distortions and a struggling state: The United States on the eve of the 2024 presidential election T2 - 2024 Berggruen Governance Index N2 - During election season, most U.S. media coverage centers on a “horse race” analysis of public opinion and the latest polling. However, understanding the broader context of governance provides a more comprehensive view of the factors that shape the U.S. political landscape. The outcome of the 2024 U.S. presidential election will undoubtedly shape domestic policies and influence the country’s role on the world stage, but it is crucial to recognize that the challenges facing its political system are structural and have developed over many years. In this spirit, this report discusses developments in U.S. governance since 2000, focusing on the metrics of democratic accountability, state capacity, and public goods provision from the Berggruen Governance Index. It finds that democratic accountability — particularly electoral accountability—and state capacity have experienced sharp declines since 2015, limiting the responsiveness and effectiveness of government. Although public goods have remained constant, this occurs in the context of rising public debt and at lower levels in comparison to other advanced democracies. Especially in swing states, there are sharp declines in democratic accountability, creating significant risks for the integrity of the U.S. election where it matters most. We conclude by speculating how different outcomes in the U.S. election might affect the future of U.S. governance across all three dimensions, projecting that a Harris victory would likely be more beneficial across all three categories. However, Harris will face severe challenges considering the structural constraints and deficiencies of the U.S. system. Y1 - 2024 UR - https://ucla.app.box.com/s/nai99giiia6o8eo2s4o3x1eg0yy81uky PB - UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs CY - Los Angeles ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Knudsen, Edward L. A1 - Anheier, Helmut K. A1 - Saraceno, Joseph C. T1 - Tunisia’s Autocratic Resurgence: Political Reforms Without Economic Progress Threatens Democracy T2 - 2024 Berggruen Governance Index N2 - This report examines Tunisia’s recent democratic trajectory ahead of the October 2024 presidential elections. Following the 2010 Jasmine Revolution, findings from the 2024 Berggruen Governance Index (BGI) demonstrate dramatic improvements in democratic accountability and state capacity — followed by a rapid decline in the early 2020s. We suggest the reason for the non-durability of these gains may be due to Tunisia’s failure to achieve substantial economic growth or improvements in public goods provision. This economic stagnation undermined the democratic advancements, leading to political dysfunction and a regression into authoritarianism under President Kaïs Saïed. Using the Tunisian example of how economic progress contributed to rising political unrest in spite of greater democratic accountability, it then explores theoretical perspectives on why democracies at lower development levels may struggle economically, citing factors like immediate consumption pressures, policy uncertainty, and labor rights affecting foreign investment. The upcoming October 2024 elections are assessed, with a cautious outlook on their potential to reverse authoritarian trends. The report concludes by emphasizing the critical lesson from Tunisia’s experience: political reforms must be coupled with tangible economic improvements to ensure the consolidation and longevity of democratic governance. Y1 - 2024 UR - https://ucla.app.box.com/s/4d06cj45pb8ajh3a699f8psfcvdpd3zt PB - UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs CY - Los Angeles ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Knudsen, Edward L. A1 - Anheier, Helmut K. A1 - Saraceno, Joseph C. T1 - Fiscal Austerity, Economic Stagnation, and Public Scandals: Governance Performance in the United Kingdom Ahead of the 2024 Election N2 - As the United Kingdom heads to the polls on July 4th, 2024, the country faces several interlocking crises. Post-2010 austerity measures and the decision to leave the EU have left long-term scars on the United Kingdom´s economy, leading to an economic drift away from other wealthy countries. Changes in key indicators such a productivity and regional inequality highlight this trend. While its governance performance has been among the highest worldwide – in terms of democratic accountability (quality of democracy), state capacity (quality of government) and public goods provision (quality of life) – there are signs of stagnation and erosion, particular in state capacity. Since the latter is a major mediating factor in democracy’s ability to produce public goods, there is an urgent need for structural change if the country is to avoid succumbing to even more severe problems impacting its future quality of life. However, any reform effort must weigh the pressing need for public investments with the country´s growing indebtedness. Y1 - 2024 UR - https://governance.luskin.ucla.edu/publications-2-2/ PB - UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs CY - Los Angeles ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Knudsen, Edward L. A1 - Anheier, Helmut K. A1 - Saraceno, Joseph C. T1 - Right-wing Populism, the State, and Democracy: Governance Performance & the 2024 European Parliament Elections T2 - 2024 Berggruen Governance Index N2 - Right-wing parties are expected to gain substantially in the 2024 European Parliament elections. Comparing the results of the Berggruen Governance Index with current electoral predictions shows that the lingering effects of the global financial crisis and Eurocrisis, in particular prolonged budget cuts and other austerity measures, have contributed to worsening state capacity and weakening democratic accountability in many European countries. This led to a growing sense of insecurity and build-up of grievances among those population groups most affected by austerity measures. Far-right parties opportunistically exploited these sentiments, especially by linking them to anxieties around migration. In this way, actual shortages in fields like housing—which are largely derived from underinvestment and austerity—are dubiously attributed to migrants. As a result, right-wing parties have been able to use this simplistic scapegoat in order to appeal to a wide range of resentments, which stem largely from a decaying institutional environment, rather than outside sources. What can be done to reverse these dynamics? Changes in governance performance tend to be slow moving, and corrective action may take some time to bear fruit. The analysis suggests that crisis-driven austerity policies must stop as they contribute to weaker institutions and increasing polarization in the medium to long term. The rise of the far right is thus the collective result of misguided policies by governments in power over the last decade or so. They now must correct them and prove that they can proactively anticipate as well as solve public problems such as social and regional inequalities. For this to happen, public sector reforms and strategic investments in state capacity and democratic resilience are urgently needed. Y1 - 2024 UR - https://ucla.app.box.com/s/5frux2if3tfhvmsahrf5nkyce50l333k PB - UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs CY - Los Angeles ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Saraceno, Joseph C. A1 - Anheier, Helmut K. A1 - Knudsen, Edward L. T1 - Towards A New Global Contestation? Comparing the Governance Performance of G7 and BRICS+ Nations N2 - The expansion of the BRICS to the BRICS+ group of countries potentially reflects a major geopolitical shift. This change indicates the possibility of rising tensions with the Group of Seven (G7), a collection of wealthy liberal democracies. The growing importance of BRICS and BRICS+ countries raises important questions about how their governance performance compares to G7 countries in terms of providing public goods such as social security, health and environmental protection. The report explores these questions with the help of the Berggruen Governance Index, which measures the governance performance of countries using three major dimensions and their relationship between each other: democratic accountability (quality of democracy), state capacity (quality of governance) and public goods provision (quality of life). In relation to the first question, the report finds that the G7 outperforms BRICS+ in all three governance dimensions. However, advances in the provision of public goods have been significant in some BRICS+ countries, even as state capacity and/or democratic accountability declined. This finding challenges the “autocratic fallacy,” which states that authoritarian governance cannot effectively scale public goods, and that broad-based prosperity is correlated with adherence to democratic principles. It would further challenge the notion that democracy and wellbeing are the common telos of how countries develop over time. At the same time, results indicate that, rather than seeking fuller confrontation with G7 countries, most BRICS+ members engage in a mix of cooperation and contestation to gauge opportunities while mitigating risks in uncertain geopolitical conditions. Y1 - 2024 UR - https://governance.luskin.ucla.edu/publications-2-2/ PB - UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs CY - Los Angeles ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Knudsen, Edward L. A1 - Anheier, Helmut K. A1 - Saraceno, Joseph C. T1 - Political Instability and Economic Development in the Sahel: Governance in Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, and Sudan since 2000 N2 - The 2020s have been a troubled decade so far for many countries in the Sahel. Although a serious of coups and widespread political instability in the region have dominated headlines, findings from the Berggruen Governance Index (BGI) indicate this grim picture may be incomplete. Indeed, the BGI finds some notable improvements, especially in public good provision, where some of the Sahel countries profiled in this report are among the most improved worldwide since 2000. However, these improvements rest on shaky ground, as countries in the region have long been trapped by unsustainable economic policies that focus almost exclusively on exploiting the natural resources of the region. This can lead to a vicious cycle of economic and institutional underdevelopment and political dysfunction, as extractive industries lead to elite capture, and uneven and unsustainable growth patterns, with high levels of corruption and violence among those competing for resources, reliance on overseas development aid, and eventually vulnerabilities to geopolitical influence. To address these interlocking weaknesses, this report suggests a dual economic strategy to form the foundations for more resilient institutions: 1) making more productive use of natural resources by building up capacity for higher in-country value-added through domesticating production chains; and 2) building high-tech partnerships with more developed countries to manage climate change and build sustainable agriculture. Based on such economic gains, greater fiscal and administrative state capacities could then be leveraged to create more durable governance institutions, further enabling more resilient development. Y1 - 2024 UR - https://governance.luskin.ucla.edu/publications-2-2/ PB - UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs CY - Los Angeles ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Seelos, Christian A1 - Sofer, Miki A1 - Burton, Caitlin A1 - Mair, Johanna T1 - Making Health Innovations Thrive in Africa T2 - Stanford Social Innovation Review N2 - Many hurdles stand in the way of successful innovation. The case of Zipline, an autonomous drone delivery platform, demonstrates many of the pitfalls of the dominant modes of development in Africa, along with some potential solutions. Y1 - 2024 U6 - https://doi.org/10.48558/XCTW-2515 ER -