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    <contributingCorporation>Jacques Delors Institut – Berlin</contributingCorporation>
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    <completedDate>2021-01-08</completedDate>
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    <title language="eng">Transatlantic Trade post-Trump - Priorities for a Pragmatic Reset</title>
    <abstract language="eng">After four turbulent years in trade relations, Europe has high expectations of the Biden administration. However, the room for big trade reforms is small and new grand-scale liberalization is neither economically necessary nor politically realistic. Accordingly, we propose a pragmatic agenda that focuses on ending ongoing trade conflicts and making progress on some WTO reforms as well as trade-adjacent issues such as climate change and supply-chain security.</abstract>
    <identifier type="url">https://www.delorscentre.eu/en/publications/detail/publication/transatlantic-trade-post-trump-priorities-for-a-pragmatic-reset</identifier>
    <identifier type="urn">urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-37127</identifier>
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    <licence>Creative Commons - CC BY - 4.0 International</licence>
    <author>Christian Freudlsperger</author>
    <submitter>Carolin Köster</submitter>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <author>Nils Redeker</author>
    <collection role="HertieResearch" number="">Jacques Delors Centre</collection>
    <collection role="HertieResearch" number="">Policy Papers</collection>
    <thesisPublisher>Hertie School</thesisPublisher>
    <file>https://opus4.kobv.de/opus4-hsog/files/3712/transatlantic_trade.pdf</file>
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  <doc>
    <id>3687</id>
    <completedYear/>
    <publishedYear>2020</publishedYear>
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    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst/>
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    <pageNumber>5</pageNumber>
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    <completedDate>2020-11-24</completedDate>
    <publishedDate>--</publishedDate>
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    <title language="eng">No going back? A transatlantic cooperation agenda under Biden</title>
    <abstract language="eng">If Joe Biden is elected US President in November, will he restore the preTrump era of transatlantic relations? While some Europeans may wish for that, it is neither feasible nor desirable, as Edward Knudsen argues in this&#13;
policy brief. A changing geopolitical landscape and declining economic conditions mean that new solutions are needed. Instead of focussing on traditional forms of cooperation like liberalising trade and bolstering defence, the US and EU should work together to tackle inequality and corruption, address the climate emergency, and defuse geopolitical tensions.</abstract>
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    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <submitter>Carolin Köster</submitter>
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    <collection role="HertieResearch" number="">Policy Briefs</collection>
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    <file>https://opus4.kobv.de/opus4-hsog/files/3687/Transatlantic_cooperation_Knudsen.pdf</file>
  </doc>
  <doc>
    <id>3558</id>
    <completedYear/>
    <publishedYear>2020</publishedYear>
    <thesisYearAccepted/>
    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst/>
    <pageLast/>
    <pageNumber>21</pageNumber>
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    <completedDate>2020-06-17</completedDate>
    <publishedDate>--</publishedDate>
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    <title language="eng">The weaponisation of the US financial system: How can Europe respond?</title>
    <abstract language="eng">US secondary sanctions present a unique challenge for Europe. These measures limit where European firms can operate, hinder the EU’s ability to maintain its foreign commitments, and limit Europe’s ambitions of achieving strategic sovereignty. The US’s re-imposition of secondary sanctions on Iran in May 2018 has highlighted this issue. With geopolitical tensions rising, it is possible that the US could impose secondary sanctions on larger EU trading partners. In light of this possibility, this paper explores why secondary sanctions are so effective and offers concrete proposals to counter them.</abstract>
    <identifier type="url">https://www.delorscentre.eu/de/publikationen/detail/publication/the-weaponisation-of-the-us-financial-system-how-can-europe-respond</identifier>
    <identifier type="urn">urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-35581</identifier>
    <enrichment key="SeriesUncollect">Jacques Delors Centre / Policy Papers</enrichment>
    <licence>Creative Commons - CC BY - 4.0 International</licence>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <submitter>Carolin Köster</submitter>
    <collection role="HertieResearch" number="">Jacques Delors Centre</collection>
    <collection role="HertieResearch" number="">Policy Papers</collection>
    <thesisPublisher>Hertie School</thesisPublisher>
    <file>https://opus4.kobv.de/opus4-hsog/files/3558/20200604_US_Sanctions_Knudsen.pdf</file>
  </doc>
  <doc>
    <id>3932</id>
    <completedYear/>
    <publishedYear>2021</publishedYear>
    <thesisYearAccepted/>
    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst/>
    <pageLast/>
    <pageNumber>4</pageNumber>
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    <completedDate>2021-05-17</completedDate>
    <publishedDate>--</publishedDate>
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    <title language="eng">A kinder, gentler “America First?” Taking stock of transatlantic relations under Biden</title>
    <abstract language="eng">Over 100 days into the Biden administration, how have transatlantic relations shifted? This policy brief builds upon analysis from an October 2020 piece titled “No going back? A transatlantic cooperation agenda under Biden” and examines lessons for European policymakers from the first few months of Joe Biden’s presidency. It argues that while Biden has retained many core parts of Donald Trump’s “America First” agenda, there are still several promising avenues for transatlantic cooperation over the coming years. These include accelerated climate action, coordinated economic stimulus, and ensuring global vaccine access. Reaching these goals will require joint action to defuse geopolitical tensions and ensure greater economic justice at home and abroad.</abstract>
    <identifier type="doi">10.48462/opus4-3932</identifier>
    <identifier type="url">https://www.delorscentre.eu/en/publications/detail/publication/a-kinder-gentler-america-first</identifier>
    <identifier type="urn">urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-39323</identifier>
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    <licence>Creative Commons - CC BY - 4.0 International</licence>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <submitter>Andrea Derichs-Carlin</submitter>
    <collection role="HertieResearch" number="">Jacques Delors Centre</collection>
    <collection role="HertieResearch" number="">Policy Briefs</collection>
    <thesisPublisher>Hertie School</thesisPublisher>
    <file>https://opus4.kobv.de/opus4-hsog/files/3932/210514_Biden_Knudsen.pdf</file>
  </doc>
  <doc>
    <id>4676</id>
    <completedYear/>
    <publishedYear>2022</publishedYear>
    <thesisYearAccepted/>
    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst/>
    <pageLast/>
    <pageNumber>74</pageNumber>
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    <completedDate>2022-12-08</completedDate>
    <publishedDate>--</publishedDate>
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    <title language="eng">Germany’s Soft  Power 2030: Scenarios for an  Unsettled World</title>
    <abstract language="eng">This foresight project focuses on a key question for the future of Germany’s foreign policy: Given changing geopolitical and economic relationships among major powers, what possible futures can be foreseen soft power approaches or external cultural policy (ECP) in terms of narratives, strategies, goals, policies, and programmatic activities? To address this question, we place Germany in a comparative framework of international relations that considers soft power approaches in the context of prevailing geopolitical and economic relations between the European Union, the United States of America, and the People’s Republic of China as well as other global players. In each case, we consider soft power approaches relative to hard and sharp power options. The time frame for the future scenarios is the year 2030, anticipating likely and potential developments and events from 2022 onward. The scenarios are based on a series of brainstorming and validation sessions, literature reviews, personal interviews, and an online survey fielded among experts and representatives of leading institutions. We identified two major drivers of future developments: the state of the world economy and the state of the world’s security situation. Exploring the interaction between these two drivers yielded four distinct scenarios.</abstract>
    <identifier type="doi">10.17901/ecp.2022.076</identifier>
    <identifier type="url">https://opus.bsz-bw.de/ifa/frontdoor/index/index/searchtype/collection/id/16240/docId/159</identifier>
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    <author>Helmut K. Anheier</author>
    <submitter>Ubaida Ansari</submitter>
    <author>Christoph M. Abels</author>
    <author>Yuqing Yang</author>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <thesisPublisher>Hertie School</thesisPublisher>
  </doc>
  <doc>
    <id>4677</id>
    <completedYear/>
    <publishedYear>2022</publishedYear>
    <thesisYearAccepted/>
    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst>1</pageFirst>
    <pageLast>7</pageLast>
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    <type>contributiontoperiodical</type>
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    <completedDate>2022-12-08</completedDate>
    <publishedDate>--</publishedDate>
    <thesisDateAccepted>--</thesisDateAccepted>
    <title language="eng">Germany's Soft Power 2030: Scenarios for an Unsettled World – Executive Summary</title>
    <abstract language="eng">This foresight project focuses on a key question for the future of Germany’s foreign policy: Given changing geopolitical and economic relationships among major powers, what possible futures can be foreseen soft power approaches or external cultural policy (ECP) in terms of narratives, strategies, goals, policies, and programmatic activities? To address this question, we place Germany in a comparative framework of international relations that considers soft power approaches in the context of prevailing geopolitical and economic relations between the European Union, the United States of America, and the People’s Republic of China as well as other global players. In each case, we consider soft power approaches relative to hard and sharp power options. The time frame for the future scenarios is the year 2030, anticipating likely and potential developments and events from 2022 onward. The scenarios are based on a series of brainstorming and validation sessions, literature reviews, personal interviews, and an online survey fielded among experts and representatives of leading institutions. We identified two major drivers of future developments: the state of the world economy and the state of the world’s security situation. Exploring the interaction between these two drivers yielded four distinct scenarios.</abstract>
    <parentTitle language="eng">“Germany’s Soft Power 2030: Scenarios for an Unsettled World – Executive Summary,” in:  Helmut K. Anheier and ifa (eds.)</parentTitle>
    <identifier type="doi">10.17901/ecp.2022.077</identifier>
    <identifier type="url">https://opus.bsz-bw.de/ifa/frontdoor/index/index/searchtype/collection/id/16240/docId/160</identifier>
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    <author>Helmut K. Anheier</author>
    <submitter>Ubaida Ansari</submitter>
    <author>Christoph M. Abels</author>
    <author>Yuqing Yang</author>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <thesisPublisher>Hertie School</thesisPublisher>
  </doc>
  <doc>
    <id>4681</id>
    <completedYear/>
    <publishedYear>2022</publishedYear>
    <thesisYearAccepted/>
    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst>1</pageFirst>
    <pageLast>10</pageLast>
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    <completedDate>2022-12-15</completedDate>
    <publishedDate>--</publishedDate>
    <thesisDateAccepted>--</thesisDateAccepted>
    <title language="eng">The 21st century trust and leadership problem: Quoi faire?</title>
    <abstract language="eng">Much of the democratic world faces a form of socio-political crisis. To varying degrees, four trends seem to be present in almost every case: declining institutional trust, failing leadership, increasing political polarisation, and weakened accountability. Although each trend has its own dynamic and causes, they jointly create complex challenges and governance problems for democratic societies. Furthermore, underlying them all is the persistent problem of inequality, which erodes trust, prevents the best leaders from rising to the top, polarises society, and shields elites from accountability. We propose a wide range of potential solutions to this crisis. Of the four, we propose that countries focus primarily on increasing institutional trust and improving leadership potential. Both aspects are particularly impactful and malleable, could influence the other two components and, over time, create a virtuous cycle pulling countries out of crisis. Proposed measures for institutional trust include expanded civic literacy, more expansive regulation of tech platforms, stricter media laws to foster better public discourse and a wider use of codes of conduct. For leadership, we propose more diverse channels and expanded selection pools for leadership recruitment, emphasising ethical conviction and targeted incentives for leadership roles. Essential to all of them, however, is tackling inequality.</abstract>
    <parentTitle language="eng">Global Policy</parentTitle>
    <identifier type="doi">10.1111/1758-5899.13162</identifier>
    <identifier type="issn">1758-5880</identifier>
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    <author>Helmut K. Anheier</author>
    <submitter>Ubaida Ansari</submitter>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
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    <thesisPublisher>Hertie School</thesisPublisher>
  </doc>
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    <id>3804</id>
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    <publishedYear>2021</publishedYear>
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    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst/>
    <pageLast/>
    <pageNumber>10</pageNumber>
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    <completedDate>2021-04-12</completedDate>
    <publishedDate>--</publishedDate>
    <thesisDateAccepted>--</thesisDateAccepted>
    <title language="eng">American Extraterritorial sanctions. Did someone say European strategic autonomy?</title>
    <abstract language="eng">Two years after an initial publication1 on the recommended position that the European Union should take action against US extraterritorial sanctions affecting it, this updated and expanded version draws the consequences of major developments since</abstract>
    <identifier type="doi">10.48462/opus4-3804</identifier>
    <identifier type="urn">urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-38042</identifier>
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    <licence>Creative Commons - CC BY - 4.0 International</licence>
    <author>Pascal Lamy</author>
    <submitter>Andrea Derichs-Carlin</submitter>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <author>Marie-Hélène Bérard</author>
    <author>Elvire Fabry</author>
    <author>Farid Fatah</author>
    <author>Geneviève Pons</author>
    <author>Louis Schweitzter</author>
    <author>Pierre Vimont</author>
    <collection role="HertieResearch" number="">Jacques Delors Centre</collection>
    <collection role="HertieResearch" number="">Policy Papers</collection>
    <thesisPublisher>Hertie School</thesisPublisher>
    <file>https://opus4.kobv.de/opus4-hsog/files/3804/210315_US-Sanctions_Lamy_Knudsen.pdf</file>
  </doc>
  <doc>
    <id>3779</id>
    <completedYear/>
    <publishedYear>2020</publishedYear>
    <thesisYearAccepted/>
    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst>105</pageFirst>
    <pageLast>114</pageLast>
    <pageNumber/>
    <edition/>
    <issue/>
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    <type>contributiontoperiodical</type>
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    <belongsToBibliography>0</belongsToBibliography>
    <completedDate>2021-03-11</completedDate>
    <publishedDate>--</publishedDate>
    <thesisDateAccepted>--</thesisDateAccepted>
    <title language="eng">Can Circles be Squared? Quandaries and Contestation Shaping the Future of Europe</title>
    <parentTitle language="eng">Ralf Dahrendorf and the European Union 2030: Looking Back, Looking Forward</parentTitle>
    <identifier type="url">https://www.dahrendorf-forum.eu/wp-content/uploads/2020/11/Published-version.pdf</identifier>
    <enrichment key="opus.source">publish</enrichment>
    <licence>Metadaten / metadata</licence>
    <author>Helmut K. Anheier</author>
    <submitter>Anna Soczek</submitter>
    <editor>Helmut K. Anheier</editor>
    <author>Iain Begg</author>
    <editor>Iain Begg</editor>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <subject>
      <language>eng</language>
      <type>uncontrolled</type>
      <value>Social Policy</value>
    </subject>
    <collection role="HertieResearch" number="">Jacques Delors Centre</collection>
    <thesisPublisher>Hertie School</thesisPublisher>
  </doc>
  <doc>
    <id>4503</id>
    <completedYear/>
    <publishedYear>2019</publishedYear>
    <thesisYearAccepted/>
    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst/>
    <pageLast/>
    <pageNumber>94</pageNumber>
    <edition/>
    <issue/>
    <volume/>
    <type>workingpaper</type>
    <publisherName>Hertie School</publisherName>
    <publisherPlace>Berlin</publisherPlace>
    <creatingCorporation/>
    <contributingCorporation/>
    <belongsToBibliography>0</belongsToBibliography>
    <completedDate>2022-09-22</completedDate>
    <publishedDate>--</publishedDate>
    <thesisDateAccepted>--</thesisDateAccepted>
    <title language="eng">External Cultural Policy in International Comparison: Summary of the Report</title>
    <identifier type="urn">urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-45030</identifier>
    <identifier type="doi">10.48462/opus4-4503</identifier>
    <note>This study was carried out as part of the project "Foreign Cultural and Educational Policy in Comparison: Germany and its Competitors", which was conducted by the Hertie School and supported by the Federal Foreign Office.</note>
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    <licence>Creative Commons - CC BY - 4.0 International</licence>
    <author>Helmut K. Anheier</author>
    <submitter>Ubaida Ansari</submitter>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <author>Nicole Antes</author>
    <author>Mariam Hamad</author>
    <author>Aisha Kibwana</author>
    <author>Darinka Markovic-Vastag</author>
    <thesisPublisher>Hertie School</thesisPublisher>
    <file>https://opus4.kobv.de/opus4-hsog/files/4503/ECP_in_International_Comparison_Summary_Report.pdf</file>
  </doc>
  <doc>
    <id>5126</id>
    <completedYear/>
    <publishedYear>2023</publishedYear>
    <thesisYearAccepted/>
    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst>16</pageFirst>
    <pageLast>34</pageLast>
    <pageNumber/>
    <edition/>
    <issue>S4</issue>
    <volume>14</volume>
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    <belongsToBibliography>0</belongsToBibliography>
    <completedDate>2023-11-10</completedDate>
    <publishedDate>--</publishedDate>
    <thesisDateAccepted>--</thesisDateAccepted>
    <title language="eng">Introducing the Berggruen Governance Index II: Initial results, 2000–2019</title>
    <abstract language="eng">This article presents an overview of some of the main findings from our analysis of the Berggruen Governance Index for the 2000–2019 period. It first examines overall governance performance across world regions, singles out general trends and identifies top and bottom performers. It then briefly reviews the comparative governance performance of world powers like the United States, Brazil, China, major European countries, India and Russia as well as other selected countries in the post-Soviet space. Finally, we address more analytic questions to show the versatility of the index for hypothesis testing and theoretical purposes.</abstract>
    <parentTitle language="eng">Global Policy</parentTitle>
    <identifier type="doi">10.1111/1758-5899.13277</identifier>
    <note>Open Access publication is funded by the Hertie School Library</note>
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    <author>Helmut K. Anheier</author>
    <submitter>Anna Soczek</submitter>
    <author>Markus Lang</author>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <collection role="AY-23-24" number=""/>
    <collection role="OA_funding" number="">Open Access publication is funded by the Hertie School Library</collection>
    <thesisPublisher>Hertie School</thesisPublisher>
  </doc>
  <doc>
    <id>5129</id>
    <completedYear/>
    <publishedYear>2023</publishedYear>
    <thesisYearAccepted/>
    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst>136</pageFirst>
    <pageLast>146</pageLast>
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    <completedDate>2023-11-10</completedDate>
    <publishedDate>--</publishedDate>
    <thesisDateAccepted>--</thesisDateAccepted>
    <title language="eng">Advancing governance indicator systems: Lessons learned from the 2022 symposium</title>
    <abstract language="eng">The Berggruen Governance Index (BGI) is a new and innovative entry into the crowded domain of quantitative governance research. In its effort to contribute to the field, the BGI builds off of and acts in dialogue with several other governance indicator projects from across the globe. As part of a collaborative outlook, the BGI convened the first of three symposia at the UCLA Luskin School in October 2022, titled ‘Advancing Governance Indicator Systems: The 2022 Conference’. The event invited representatives from other indicator projects to share their thoughts on the BGI, present their own projects and discuss avenues for further research and development of ‘planetary’ indicators. This article discusses the highlights and key contributions from the conference.</abstract>
    <parentTitle language="eng">Global Policy</parentTitle>
    <identifier type="doi">10.1111/1758-5899.13284</identifier>
    <note>Open Access publication is funded by the Hertie School Library</note>
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    <author>Helmut K. Anheier</author>
    <submitter>Anna Soczek</submitter>
    <author>Regina A. List</author>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <collection role="AY-23-24" number=""/>
    <collection role="OA_funding" number="">Open Access publication is funded by the Hertie School Library</collection>
    <thesisPublisher>Hertie School</thesisPublisher>
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    <id>5125</id>
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    <publishedYear>2023</publishedYear>
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    <title language="eng">Introducing the Berggruen Governance Index I: Conceptual and methodological framework</title>
    <abstract language="eng">Governance is at the heart of how well governments meet public needs and manage a wide array of common problems. Why do some countries perform poorly in delivering healthcare, reducing inequality, providing a clean environment or delivering some other public good to their populations even while they have the resources to do so? Does the capacity of states to provide the basics for societies to thrive depend on forms of democratic accountability that represents different interests, or are systems under technocratic control that impose solutions and disregard, even suppress, many voices better at meeting public needs? Existing indices do not systematically examine the relationship between the components that contribute to governance performance. In our understanding of governance, depicted as the Governance Triangle, public goods provision is a function of state capacity and accountability. Rather than focusing on a single composite performance measure, the Berggruen Governance Index examines the interactions among these dimensions. We find that the key to good governance is achieving a balance among the three dimensions on an upward and sustainable trajectory. This article introduces the Index and the conceptual and methodological framework that underpins it and then outlines the content of this special issue.</abstract>
    <parentTitle language="eng">Global Policy</parentTitle>
    <identifier type="doi">10.1111/1758-5899.13278</identifier>
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    <author>Helmut K. Anheier</author>
    <submitter>Anna Soczek</submitter>
    <author>Markus Lang</author>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
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    <title language="eng">A falling star? Origins of declining state capacity and democratic accountability in the United States</title>
    <abstract language="eng">AbstractThe United States—often hailed as the ‘oldest democracy in the world’ and the ‘leader of the free world’—has fallen on hard times. In addition to recent headline‐grabbing political events that have highlighted its political dysfunction, data from the 2022 Berggruen Governance Index (BGI) reveal that overall state capacity and democratic accountability have been declining for years. Although public goods provision has remained on a steady course, the US still trails much of the developed world. We find this struggling performance is largely the result of neglecting three types of infrastructure: civic, physical and social. Specifically, we argue that the crisis became particularly pronounced due to an insufficient response to the 2008 global financial crisis. Although some recent political achievements could slow the decline, more drastic action will be required to reverse these troubling trends.</abstract>
    <parentTitle language="eng">Global Policy</parentTitle>
    <identifier type="issn">1758-5880</identifier>
    <identifier type="doi">10.1111/1758-5899.13282</identifier>
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    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <submitter>Terri Sullivan</submitter>
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    <title language="eng">Escape from the ‘lost decades?’ Governance challenges in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Venezuela</title>
    <abstract language="eng">Much of Latin America has experienced a renewed ‘lost decade’, failing to substantially expand quality of life since the late 2000s. While the outcomes of governance performance across the largest countries – including Brazil, Venezuela, Mexico, Colombia, and Argentina – have discrete causes, common themes like internal conflict, corruption, and overreliance on natural resources plague the entire region. Put more generally, the inability to turn democratic accountability into a state mechanism able to deliver economic growth and public goods in a sustainable manner is a liability affecting all five countries. To explore the difficulties that the large Latin American countries have faced in the twenty‐first century, this article examines results from the 2022 Berggruen Governance Index, and then presents three key issues facing the region: insufficient state capacity, flirtations with authoritarianism, and economic inequality and inflation. While the challenges remain substantial, increased regional integration may offer one way out of the predicament.</abstract>
    <parentTitle language="eng">Global Policy</parentTitle>
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    <identifier type="doi">10.1111/1758-5899.13279</identifier>
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    <title language="eng">Stable or stagnant? Political economy and governance in the United Kingdom, France, Italy and Germany since 2000</title>
    <abstract language="eng">At the beginning of the twenty‐first century, the large democracies of Western Europe experienced some of the most prosperous and peaceful decades in human history. Specifically, the United Kingdom, France, Italy and Germany experienced high and stable quality of life, democratic accountability and state capacity between 2000 and 2019, according to the 2022 Berggruen Governance Index. While all four of these countries are among the top performers in the Index, substantial problems lurk beneath the surface. Notably, each failed to capitalise on the low interest rate environment in the decade following the global financial crisis of 2007–2009—albeit in different ways and for different reasons in each country. In particular, low investment in infrastructure and key technologies, the persistence of stubborn regional inequalities, and resulting sluggish GDP growth have prevented the ‘Big Four’ in Western Europe from improving further and future‐proofing their existing gains.</abstract>
    <parentTitle language="eng">Global Policy</parentTitle>
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    <identifier type="doi">10.1111/1758-5899.13271</identifier>
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    <id>5721</id>
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    <publishedYear>2024</publishedYear>
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    <language>eng</language>
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    <pageLast/>
    <pageNumber>55</pageNumber>
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    <publisherPlace>Stuttgart</publisherPlace>
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    <title language="eng">The New Nationalisms and the Future of Cultural Relations: External Cultural Policy in an Age of Political Extremes</title>
    <abstract language="eng">This paper explores the impact of rising nationalism on soft power by analysing the external cultural policies (ECP) of eight countries: Germany, France, Italy, Poland, the United Kingdom, the United States, China, Russia, and Turkey. It argues that ECP will increasingly operate in a zero-sum international environment shaped by nationalism, with its domestic effects varying across nations. While institutions in France are more exposed to nationalist influence, the ‘arm’s length’ principle offers greater protection in the UK and Germany, and the diversity of private actors serves as a protective buffer in the United States. Nationalistic ECP in China, Russia, and Turkey is anticipated to grow, while Poland exemplifies institutional resistance to nationalism. The paper then proceeds into a case study of the current discourse in Germany, contrasting the views of different nationalist parties about German ECP. Finally, recommendations are proposed for countries like Germany and other European nations: support the arm’s-length principle of key institutions; enhance coordination among ECP actors domestically and within the EU; shield against malign foreign influence; create and communicate anti-nationalist narratives; proactively leveraging existing strengths and opportunities.</abstract>
    <identifier type="doi">10.17901/1493</identifier>
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    <author>Helmut K. Anheier</author>
    <submitter>Alex Karras</submitter>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <author>Sofia Todd-Tombini</author>
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  <doc>
    <id>5723</id>
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    <publishedYear>2024</publishedYear>
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    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst/>
    <pageLast/>
    <pageNumber>iii, 9</pageNumber>
    <edition/>
    <issue/>
    <volume/>
    <type>workingpaper</type>
    <publisherName>Berggruen Governance Project</publisherName>
    <publisherPlace>United States of America</publisherPlace>
    <creatingCorporation/>
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    <completedDate>2025-01-17</completedDate>
    <publishedDate>--</publishedDate>
    <thesisDateAccepted>--</thesisDateAccepted>
    <title language="eng">Fiscal Austerity, Economic Stagnation, and Public Scandal: Governance Performance in the United Kingdom Ahead of the 2024 Election</title>
    <abstract language="eng">This report evaluates the governance performance of the United Kingdom ahead of the 2024 election, focusing on the interplay between fiscal austerity, economic stagnation, and public scandal. Despite a high initial governance performance in terms of democratic accountability, state capacity, and public goods provision, recent years have seen a notable decline in state capacity due to austerity measures and political scandals. These have eroded public trust and highlighted the need for structural reforms. Key recommendations include enhancing investment in public services, improving regional economic policies, and addressing the UK's growing fiscal challenges to restore trust and ensure long-term growth.</abstract>
    <identifier type="url">https://policycommons.net/artifacts/13389711/uk_election/14287485/</identifier>
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    <submitter>Alex Karras</submitter>
    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <author>Helmut K. Anheier</author>
    <author>Joseph C. Saraceno</author>
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    <thesisPublisher>Hertie School</thesisPublisher>
  </doc>
  <doc>
    <id>5786</id>
    <completedYear/>
    <publishedYear>2024</publishedYear>
    <thesisYearAccepted/>
    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst/>
    <pageLast/>
    <pageNumber>iii, 9</pageNumber>
    <edition/>
    <issue/>
    <volume/>
    <type>workingpaper</type>
    <publisherName>UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs</publisherName>
    <publisherPlace>Los Angeles</publisherPlace>
    <creatingCorporation/>
    <contributingCorporation/>
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    <completedDate>2025-03-26</completedDate>
    <publishedDate>--</publishedDate>
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    <title language="eng">Fiscal Austerity, Economic Stagnation, and Public Scandals: Governance Performance in the United Kingdom Ahead of the 2024 Election</title>
    <abstract language="eng">As the United Kingdom heads to the polls on July 4th, 2024, the country faces several interlocking crises. Post-2010 austerity measures and the decision to leave the EU have left long-term scars on the United Kingdom´s economy, leading to an economic drift away from other wealthy countries. Changes in key indicators such a productivity and regional inequality highlight this trend. While its governance performance has been among the highest worldwide – in terms of democratic accountability (quality of democracy), state capacity (quality of government) and public goods provision (quality of life) – there are signs of stagnation and erosion, particular in state capacity. Since the latter is a major mediating factor in democracy’s ability to produce public goods, there is an urgent need for structural change if the country is to avoid succumbing to even more severe problems impacting its future quality of life. However, any reform effort must weigh the pressing need for public investments with the country´s growing indebtedness.</abstract>
    <identifier type="url">https://governance.luskin.ucla.edu/publications-2-2/</identifier>
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    <author>Edward L. Knudsen</author>
    <submitter>Alex Karras</submitter>
    <author>Helmut K. Anheier</author>
    <author>Joseph C. Saraceno</author>
    <collection role="AY-23-24" number=""/>
    <thesisPublisher>Hertie School</thesisPublisher>
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  <doc>
    <id>5791</id>
    <completedYear/>
    <publishedYear>2024</publishedYear>
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    <language>eng</language>
    <pageFirst/>
    <pageLast/>
    <pageNumber>viii, 96</pageNumber>
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    <completedDate>2025-03-26</completedDate>
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    <title language="eng">The 2024 Berggruen Governance Index – Democracy Challenged</title>
    <abstract language="eng">THE BERGGRUEN GOVERNANCE INDEX PROJECT (BGI) analyzes the relationship between democratic accountability, state capacity and the provision of public goods. It builds upon prior work that examined the impact of governance and democracy on the quality of life. It is a collaborative project between the UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs, the Hertie School, and the Berggruen Institute.</abstract>
    <identifier type="url">https://governance.luskin.ucla.edu/publications-2-2/</identifier>
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    <author>Helmut K. Anheier</author>
    <submitter>Alex Karras</submitter>
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