@incollection{EdenhoferFlachsland, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Globale Energiewende - Wege zu einer nachhaltigen Energieversorgung}, series = {Rolle der Wissenschaft im Globalen Wandel. Nova Acta Leopoldina}, booktitle = {Rolle der Wissenschaft im Globalen Wandel. Nova Acta Leopoldina}, publisher = {Leopoldina}, address = {Halle}, isbn = {978-3-8047-3210-0}, pages = {275 -- 295}, language = {de} } @article{FlachslandEdenhofer, author = {Flachsland, Christian and Edenhofer, Ottmar}, title = {Auf mehreren Ebenen Agieren}, series = {Politische {\"O}kologie}, journal = {Politische {\"O}kologie}, number = {133}, pages = {108 -- 117}, language = {de} } @article{UeckerdtHirthLudereretal., author = {Ueckerdt, Falko and Hirth, Lion and Luderer, Gunnar and Edenhofer, Ottmar}, title = {System LCOE: What are the costs of variable renewables?}, series = {Energy}, volume = {63}, journal = {Energy}, publisher = {Elsevier Ltd}, issn = {0360-5442}, doi = {10.1016/j.energy.2013.10.072}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-22942}, pages = {61 -- 75}, abstract = {Levelized costs of electricity (LCOE) are a common metric for comparing power generating technologies. However, there is criticism particularly towards evaluating variable renewables like wind and solar PV power based on LCOE because it ignores variability and integration costs. We propose a new metric System LCOE that accounts for integration and generation costs. For this purpose we develop a new mathematical definition of integration costs that directly relates to economic theory. As a result System LCOE allow the economic comparison of generating technologies and deriving optimal quantities in particular for VRE. To demonstrate the new concept we quantify System LCOE from a simple power system model and literature values. We find that at high wind shares integration costs can be in the same range as generation costs of wind power and conventional plants in particular due to a cost component "profile costs" captured by the new definition. Integration costs increase with growing wind shares and might become an economic barrier to deploying VRE at high shares. System LCOE help understanding and resolving the challenge of integrating VRE and can guide research and policy makers in realizing a cost-efficient transformation towards an energy system with potentially high shares of variable renewables.}, language = {en} } @article{EdenhoferHirthKnopfetal., author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Hirth, Lion and Knopf, Brigitte and Pahle, Michael and Schl{\"o}mer, Steffen and Schmid, Eva and Ueckerdt, Falko}, title = {On the Economics of Renewable Energy Sources}, series = {Energy Economics}, volume = {40}, journal = {Energy Economics}, number = {S1}, issn = {0140-9883}, doi = {10.1016/j.eneco.2013.09.015}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-22965}, pages = {S12 -- S23}, abstract = {With the global expansion of renewable energy (RE) technologies, the provision of optimal RE policy packages becomes an important task. We review pivotal aspects regarding the economics of renewables that are relevant to the design of an optimal RE policy, many of which are to date unresolved. We do so from three interrelated perspectives that a meaningful public policy framework for inquiry must take into account. First, we explore different social objectives justifying the deployment of RE technologies, including potential co-benefits of RE deployment, and review modelbased estimates of the economic potential of RE technologies, i.e. their socially optimal deployment level. Second, we address pivotal market failures that arise in the course of implementing the economic potential of RE sources in decentralized markets. Third, we discuss multiple policy instruments curing these market failures. Our framework reveals the requirements for an assessment of the relevant options for real-world decision makers in the field of RE policies. This review makes it clear that there are remaining white areas on the knowledge map concerning consistent and socially optimal RE policies.}, language = {en} } @article{HirthUeckerdt, author = {Hirth, Lion and Ueckerdt, Falko}, title = {Redistribution Effects of Energy and Climate Policy: The Electricity Market}, series = {Energy Policy}, volume = {62}, journal = {Energy Policy}, publisher = {Elsevier Ltd}, issn = {0301-4215}, doi = {10.1016/j.enpol.2013.07.055}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-22886}, pages = {934 -- 947}, abstract = {Energy and climate policies are usually seen as measures to internalize externalities. However, as a side effect, the introduction of these policies redistributes wealth between consumers and producers, and within these groups. While redistribution is seldom the focus of the academic literature in energy economics, it plays a central role in public debates and policy decisions. This paper compares the distributional effects of two major electricity policies: support schemes for renewable energy sources, and CO2 pricing. We find that the redistribution effects of both policies are large, and they work in opposed directions. While renewables support transfers wealth from producers to consumers, carbon pricing does the opposite. More specifically, we show that moderate amounts of wind subsidies can increase consumer surplus, even if consumers bear the subsidy costs. CO2 pricing, in contrast, increases aggregated producer surplus, even without free allocation of emission allowances; however, not all types of producers benefit. These findings are derived from an analytical model of electricity markets, and a calibrated numerical model of Northwestern Europe. Our findings imply that if policy makers want to avoid large redistribution they might prefer a mix of policies, even if CO2 pricing alone is the first-best climate policy in terms of allocative efficiency.}, language = {en} } @article{Hirth, author = {Hirth, Lion}, title = {The market value of variable renewables: The effect of solar wind power variability on their relative price}, series = {Energy Economics}, volume = {38}, journal = {Energy Economics}, publisher = {Elsevier B.V.}, issn = {0140-9883}, doi = {10.1016/j.eneco.2013.02.004}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-22900}, pages = {218 -- 236}, abstract = {This paper provides a comprehensive discussion of the market value of variable renewable energy (VRE). The inherent variability of wind speeds and solar radiation affects the price that VRE generators receive on the market (market value). During windy and sunny times the additional electricity supply reduces the prices. Because the drop is larger with more installed capacity, the market value of VRE falls with higher penetration rate. This study aims to develop a better understanding on how the market value with penetration, and how policies and prices affect the market value. Quantitative evidence is derived from a review of published studies, regression analysis of market data, and the calibrated model of the European electricity market EMMA. We find the value of wind power to fall from 110\% of the average power price to 50-80\% as wind penetration increases from zero to 30\% of total electricity consumption. For solar power, similarly low value levels are reached already at 15\% penetration. Hence, competitive large-scale renewable deployment will be more difficult to accomplish than as many anticipate.}, language = {en} } @article{CalıKochBruch, author = {{\c{C}}al{\i}, Ba{\c{s}}ak and Koch, Anne and Bruch, Nicola}, title = {The social legitimacy of Human Rights Courts: a grounded interpretivist analysis of the European Court of Human Rights}, series = {Human Rights Quarterly}, volume = {35}, journal = {Human Rights Quarterly}, number = {3}, publisher = {The Johns Hopkins University Press}, issn = {1085-794X}, doi = {10.1353/hrq.2013.0057}, pages = {955 -- 984}, abstract = {This article offers an empirically grounded interpretivist theory of the social legitimacy of the European Court of Human Rights based on domestic judicial and political elite accounts of the legitimacy of the Court in Turkey, Bulgaria, United Kingdom, Ireland and Germany. The central argument of the article is that the social legitimacy of the European Court of Human Rights is based on a constant comparison between the values and goals of domestic institutions and the values and goals of the European Court of Human Rights. More specifically, the social legitimacy of the European Court of Human Rights is grounded in the logic of a fair compromise: What actors think they lose by according legitimacy to the European Court of Human Rights must be balanced by what they perceive to gain in return. Three factors organise how actors in different domestic settings struck a fair compromise in their domestic contexts: a) perception of domestic human rights conditions, b) commitment to cosmopolitan ideals of human rights and international law and c) commitment to domestic institutions.}, language = {en} } @misc{MairLupu, author = {Mair, Johanna and Lupu, Raluca}, title = {Citigroup: Targeting leadership in global growth}, publisher = {IESE Business School}, address = {Barcelona}, pages = {18}, language = {en} } @techreport{KaytazCostello, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Kaytaz, Esra and Costello, Cathryn}, title = {Building Empirical Research into Alternatives to Detention: Perceptions of Asylum-Seekers and Refugees in Toronto and Geneva}, abstract = {Recent research in Toronto and Geneva indicates that asylum seekers and refugees are predisposed to be cooperative with the refugee status determination (RSD) system and other immigration procedures, and that the design of alternatives to detention can create, foster and support this cooperative predisposition - or can undermine or even demolish it.}, language = {en} } @article{KaackKatul, author = {Kaack, Lynn and Katul, Gabriel}, title = {Fifty years to prove Malthus right}, series = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences}, journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences}, doi = {10.1073/pnas.1301246110}, abstract = {A major question confronting sustainability research today is to what extent our planet, with a finite environmental resource base, can accommodate the faster than exponentially growing human population. Although these concerns are generally attributed to Malthus (1766-1834), early attempts to estimate the maximum sustainable population (ergo, the carrying capacity K) were reported by van Leeuwenhoek (1632-1723) to be at 13 billion people (1). Since then, the concept of carrying capacity has evolved to accommodate many resource limitations originating from available water, energy, and other ecosystem goods and services (1, 2). In PNAS, Suweis et al.(3) apply the concept of carrying capacity using fresh water availability on a national scale as the limiting resource to infer the global K. They estimate a decline in global human population by the middle of this century. We ask to what extent models that are …}, language = {en} } @article{SalazarMoralesCalmet, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego and Calmet, Yasm{\´i}n}, title = {VRAEM: Pol{\´i}ticas de Seguridad P{\´u}blica en Zona de conflicto}, series = {Revista de Sociolog{\´i}a de la Guerra: Cuadernos de Marte}, volume = {5}, journal = {Revista de Sociolog{\´i}a de la Guerra: Cuadernos de Marte}, issn = {1852-9879}, pages = {157 -- 186}, abstract = {Las pol{\´i}ticas de seguridad desarrolladas por el Estado peruano durante los a{\~n}os 80 han sido causantes de innumerables muertes, desapariciones y violaciones de derechos humanos. En la actualidad, con remanentes subversivos y una zona infestada por el narcotr{\´a}fico (el VRAEM), la atenci{\´o}n a las pol{\´i}ticas y estrategias desarrolladas por el Estado para afrontar esta problem{\´a}tica es crucial. En tal sentido, este art{\´i}culo rese{\~n}a las principales decisiones del gobierno peruano desde el a{\~n}o 2000 hasta la actualidad, en materia de pol{\´i}ticas de seguridad para la zona en conflicto denominada VRAEM desentra{\~n}ado las estrategias utilizadas para afrontar a Sendero Luminoso y c{\´o}mo estas han violado, reiteradamente, los derechos fundamentales de las poblaciones aleda{\~n}as a la zona en conflicto.}, language = {es} } @incollection{SalazarMoralesPrietoBarraganAlza, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego and Prieto Barrag{\´a}n, Tracy and Alza, Carlos}, title = {Oportunidad para Servir. El caso de la creaci{\´o}n del Cuerpo de Gerentes P{\´u}blicos en el Per{\´u}}, series = {Aprender de la Experiencia. Ocho estudios de caso para ense{\~n}ar Pol{\´i}ticas P{\´u}blicas y Gesti{\´o}n P{\´u}blica}, booktitle = {Aprender de la Experiencia. Ocho estudios de caso para ense{\~n}ar Pol{\´i}ticas P{\´u}blicas y Gesti{\´o}n P{\´u}blica}, publisher = {Pontifical Catholic University of Peru}, address = {Lima}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {191 -- 200}, abstract = {El Cuerpo de Gerentes P{\´u}blicos de SERVIR nace de un proceso de aprendizaje enriquecedor que supone un reto para la reconversi{\´o}n de la burocracia nacional tradicional hacia una moderna y m{\´a}s eficiente a partir de experiencias latinoamericanas similares. SERVIR, mediante esta experiencia, nos demuestra que la pol{\´i}tica p{\´u}blica no es un proceso de una sola direcci{\´o}n, que las fases pueden variar y que la creatividad es un aspecto fundamental para imaginar opciones y alternativas frente a un n{\´u}mero de retos que la gesti{\´o}n p{\´u}blica nos presenta. Pero no solo es creatividad, tambi{\´e}n se trata de instinto al identificar los precisos momentos en los que apostar por un proyecto y cu{\´a}ndo salir.}, language = {es} } @incollection{SalazarMorales, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego}, title = {Cr{\´o}nica de un Conflicto anunciado. El caso del conflicto social en Bagua (5 y 6 de junio de 2009)}, series = {Aprender de la Experiencia. Ocho casos para ense{\~n}ar Pol{\´i}ticas P{\´u}blicas}, booktitle = {Aprender de la Experiencia. Ocho casos para ense{\~n}ar Pol{\´i}ticas P{\´u}blicas}, publisher = {Pontifical Catholic University of Peru}, address = {Lima}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {121 -- 150}, abstract = {Los acontecimientos que se suscitaron el 5 de junio de 2009 en el poblado amaz{\´o}nico de Bagua presentan una serie de antecedentes, decisiones y estrategias adoptadas por parte del Estado y a una serie de actores pol{\´i}ticos que hacen que su estudio sea particularmente interesante. Nos encontramos frente a un suceso que cambia la manera de entender y manejar los conflictos sociales en la pol{\´i}tica nacional.}, language = {es} } @techreport{WollFourcadeSteineretal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Woll, Cornelia and Fourcade, Marion and Steiner, Philippe and Streeck, Wolfgang}, title = {Moral Categories in the Financial Crisis}, series = {MaxPo Discussion Paper}, volume = {13}, journal = {MaxPo Discussion Paper}, number = {1}, pages = {33}, abstract = {Karl Marx observed long ago that all economic struggles invite moral struggles, or masquerade as such. The reverse may be true as well: deep moral-political conflicts may be waged through the manipulation of economic resources. Using the recent financial and Eurozone crises as empirical backgrounds, the four papers gathered here propose four different perspectives on the play of moral judgments in the economy, and call for broader and more systematic scholarly engagement with this issue. Focusing on executive compensation, bank bailouts, and the sovereign debt crisis, the symposium builds on a roundtable discussion held at the opening of the Max Planck Sciences Po Center on Coping with Instability in Market Societies (MaxPo) in Paris on November 29, 2012.}, language = {en} } @article{EmilianoWoll, author = {Emiliano, Grossman and Woll, Cornelia}, title = {Saving the Banks: The Political Economy of Bailouts}, series = {Comparative Political Studies}, volume = {47}, journal = {Comparative Political Studies}, number = {4}, doi = {10.1177/0010414013488540}, pages = {574 -- 600}, abstract = {How much leeway did governments have in designing bank bailouts and deciding on the height of intervention during the 2007-2009 financial crisis? By analyzing the variety of bailouts in Europe and North America, we will show that the strategies governments use to cope with the instability of financial markets does not depend on economic conditions alone. Rather, they take root in the institutional and political setting of each country and vary in particular according to the different types of business-government relations banks were able to entertain with public decision makers. Still, "crony capitalism" accounts overstate the role of bank lobbying. With four case studies of the Irish, Danish, British, and French bank bailout, we show that countries with close one-on-one relationships between policy makers and bank management tended to develop unbalanced bailout packages, while countries where banks negotiated collectively developed solutions with a greater burden-sharing from private institutions.}, language = {en} } @article{JohnsonMuggeSeabrookeetal., author = {Johnson, Juliet and Mugge, Daniel and Seabrooke, Leonard and Woll, Cornelia and Grabel, Ilene and Gallagher, Kevin P.}, title = {The future of international political economy: Introduction to the 20th anniversary issue of RIPE}, series = {Review of International Political Economy}, volume = {20}, journal = {Review of International Political Economy}, number = {5}, doi = {10.1080/09692290.2013.835275}, pages = {1009 -- 1023}, language = {en} } @article{WollStreeckSteineretal., author = {Woll, Cornelia and Streeck, Wolfgang and Steiner, Philippe and Fourcade, Marion}, title = {Moral categories in the financial crisis}, series = {Socio-Economic Review}, volume = {11}, journal = {Socio-Economic Review}, number = {3}, doi = {10.1093/ser/mwt012}, pages = {601 -- 627}, abstract = {Karl Marx observed long ago that all economic struggles invite moral struggles, or masquerade as such. The reverse may be true, too: deep moral-political conflicts may be waged through the manipulation of economic resources and the design of policy devices. Using the recent financial and Eurozone crises as empirical backgrounds, the short papers presented here by Philippe Steiner, Cornelia Woll, Wolfgang Streeck and Marion Fourcade propose four different perspectives on the play of moral judgments in the economy and call for a broader and more systematic scholarly engagement with this issue. Focusing on executive compensation, bank bailouts and the sovereign debt crisis, the discussion forum builds on a roundtable discussion held at the opening of the Max Planck Sciences Po Center on Coping with Instability in Market Societies (MaxPo) in Paris on November 29, 2012.}, language = {en} } @incollection{WollSchmidt, author = {Woll, Cornelia and Schmidt, Vivien A.}, title = {The state: The b{\^e}te noire of neo-liberalism or its greatest conquest?}, series = {Resilient Liberalism in Europe's Political Economy}, booktitle = {Resilient Liberalism in Europe's Political Economy}, editor = {Schmidt, Vivien A. and Thatcher, Mark}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {Cambridge}, isbn = {9781139857086}, doi = {10.1017/CBO9781139857086}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {112 -- 142}, abstract = {Neo-liberalism has had one central message for the state: scale back, cut back, cut out, transform. This brings to mind Winston Churchill's reply to an opponent who asked, 'How much is enough?' to Churchill's repeated push to spend increasingly more on defence in the 1930s. Churchill's rejoinder came in the form of a story about a Brazilian banker with whom he had just had lunch. The banker had received a cable informing him of the death of his mother-in-law and asking for instructions. He cabled back: 'embalm, cremate, bury at sea; leave nothing to chance'. This take on neo-liberalism - as burying the state - is certainly exaggerated because neo-liberalism comes in many different forms with many different policy applications. Only the recommendations of the most radical strands come close to the Brazilian banker's response to his mother-in-law's death. Yet the story as a metaphor for neo-liberal views of the state nonetheless somehow rings true. This is largely because neo-liberals have been more anti-state in their rhetoric than in their actions. The state has been neo-liberalism's b{\^e}te noire, as its main focus of attack, because neo-liberals - whatever their differences - have viewed the state as consistently doing too much in the wrong ways with the worst consequences not only for the markets but also for democracy, by endangering individual freedom through its interventions. As a provider of public goods, the state had to be scaled back to leave room for the market, which would assure more efficiency. However, the state has also been neo-liberalism's greatest conquest, as its main locus of action, because it has been primarily through the state that neo-liberals have been able to realize their vision(s).}, language = {en} } @incollection{Woll, author = {Woll, Cornelia}, title = {Global Companies as Agenda Setters in the World Trade Organization}, series = {The Handbook of Global Companies}, booktitle = {The Handbook of Global Companies}, editor = {Mikler, John}, publisher = {John Wiley and Sons, Ltd}, address = {Chichester}, isbn = {9781118326152}, doi = {10.1002/9781118326152}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {257 -- 271}, abstract = {This chapter examines business lobbying at the WTO. It argues that the role of companies in multilateral trade is tightly linked to the evolution of the trading system, with the most decisive influence during the creation of the WTO institutions. In an initial phase, business lobbying concentrated on tariff barriers. As the GATT expanded its scope during the Uruguay Round, large US companies became very active participants and crucially shaped the agenda, in particular with respect to service trade and intellectual property rights. In other areas, however, active lobbying was less effective, most notably investment protection and textiles. With the establishment of the WTO, lobbying has begun to partially shift to the supranational level. Some relationships exist between the WTO secretariat and companies, but the most important new pillar of political activity relates to dispute settlement. At the same time, the WTO secretariat tries to reach out to a more diverse set of stakeholders. In many ways, the influence of global companies on WTO affairs is much more indirect today than it was during its creation.}, language = {en} } @article{MarquesAlves, author = {Marques, Marcelo and Alves, Nat{\´a}lia}, title = {O Programa Novas Oportunidades numa agenda globalmente estruturada para a educa{\c{c}}{\~a}o. [The New Opportunities Program in a globally structured agenda for education]}, series = {Perspectiva}, volume = {31}, journal = {Perspectiva}, number = {2}, doi = {10.5007/2175-795X.2013v31n2p425}, pages = {425 -- 448}, abstract = {Este artigo apresenta uma an{\´a}lise cr{\´i}tica da cria{\c{c}}{\~a}o e implementa{\c{c}}{\~a}o da mais emblem{\´a}tica medida pol{\´i}tica para o campo de jovens e adultos pouco escolarizados em Portugal: o Programa Novas Oportunidades. Recorrendo {\`a} proposta de Roger Dale sobre a agenda globalmente estruturada para a educa{\c{c}}{\~a}o, discutiu-se a fabrica{\c{c}}{\~a}o desta medida a partir de um cen{\´a}rio de regula{\c{c}}{\~a}o transnacional. Atrav{\´e}s da an{\´a}lise documental de um conjunto de documentos europeus e nacionais entre o per{\´i}odo de 2000 e 2010 para o campo da educa{\c{c}}{\~a}o de jovens e adultos, verificou-se que Programa Novas Oportunidades {\´e} consequ{\^e}ncia de um fortalecimento do processo de regula{\c{c}}{\~a}o das pol{\´i}ticas educativas, levado a cabo pela Uni{\~a}o Europeia. Este fortalecimento resultou na constru{\c{c}}{\~a}o de um programa pol{\´i}tico para o campo da educa{\c{c}}{\~a}o de jovens e adultos em Portugal que comunga n{\~a}o s{\´o} das mesmas ideologias instrumentais para a educa{\c{c}}{\~a}o da Uni{\~a}o Europeia, como de uma gest{\~a}o tecnocr{\´a}tica das pol{\´i}ticas educativas, assente na procura de resultados.}, language = {es} }