@misc{Reimbold, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Reimbold, Haley}, title = {Welfare State Regimes \& Youth Incarceration : A Comparison of Germany, Sweden, and the United States}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20371}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {18}, abstract = {Despite international consensus among researchers that incarcerating youth is an ineffective and inefficient response to crime, this practice persists—to widely varying degrees—in every country. What are the differences in youth incarceration in disparate welfare state regimes? To answer this question, this paper develops a youth incarceration typology by comparing three cases: that of Sweden, Germany, and the United States. The first multi-¬-dimensional typology specific to youth incarceration, this tool encompasses four key domains central to the type of system operated in a nation. These include the purpose and extent of incarceration use, compliance with international human rights, and privatization receptiveness. A fifth domain, disproportionate minority incarceration, was considered but results indicate the need for further research on this issue. Three youth incarceration types, aligned with welfare state regimes, are developed from a mixed methods research design comparing the countries of interest. With juvenile justice systems situated within justice departments and a central aim of punishment, liberal regimes, such as the United States, demonstrate low compliance with human rights, and the highest rates of prison privatization. Conservative regimes, based on data from Germany, exhibit a central goal of rehabilitation, low privatization receptiveness, and ratification of human rights resolutions. Social democratic regimes, such as Sweden, have a youth rights centered system, with no privatization and full adoption of human rights resolutions. When accounting for diversity in each country's population, Sweden was found to have the highest levels of disproportionate minority incarceration and the United States the lowest, with Germany between the two. Regarding this domain, further research is required to determine if this finding is characteristic of social democratic and liberal nations. After comparing the countries of interest, the relationship between welfare state regime types and juvenile justice systems is examined. This paper concludes with recommendations for the research, policy, and practitioner communities to advance analysis and reforms to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of juvenile justice systems internationally.}, language = {en} } @misc{Stamm, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Stamm, Julia}, title = {Towards New Horizons in EU Research Policy : The changing role of the Directorate - General for Research (and Innovation)}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20478}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {39}, abstract = {My EMPM Master thesis focuses on changing governance structures in European research policy and the role the European Commission is playing in this context. In particular, it aims at investigating whether we currently witness the transition of the European Commission's Directorate - General for Research (and Innovation) into a European research ministry. In order to lay the ground for finding answers to this question, I first introduce the history of Community activities in the area of research and discuss the development of power relations between the different European players in the area. The concept of "agencification" and its consequences for the work, status and self - perception of the European Commission is looked at in particular depth. In the following analytical chapter I argue that this paradigm shift is indeed taking place and that, among others elements, the new position of research as "shared competence" after the Lisbon Treaty, the relatively recent creation of two executive research agencies and strong leadership embodied in the person of the Commissioner for Research and Innovation have contributed decisively to the development. The thesis is based on the analysis of both relevant literature and theory as well as on semi - structured interviews that I carried out with relevant stakeholders in Brussels, both from the European institutions and from concerned institutions, organizations, and associations, hence providing a sound mix of theoretical approaches and practical reflections.}, language = {en} } @misc{RossWest, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Ross, Nicholas and West, Jonathan}, title = {The Value Chain Approach to rural agricultural development. Understanding the principal determinants of pro-poor outcomes}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20493}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {102}, abstract = {This paper seeks to better understand the determinants of pro-poor outcomes in value chain projects. It is motivated by a desire to examine scepticism regarding the widespread use of value chain projects as poverty-alleviation tools. The thesis is guided by the following questions i.Can value chain approaches to rural development benefit the poor in a direct manner? ii.Under what circumstances can value chain approaches to rural development achieve the most substantive and significant pro-poor outcomes? In particular, the paper focuses on asset-poor agricultural producers (including farmers), which are referred to as poor producers for the sake of brevity. As such, pro-poor outcomes refer to beneficial outcomes for asset-poor agricultural producers. To address these two questions, the paper is divide d into three chapters. Chapter one explores the concept of the value chain. Through this it highlights an increasing emphasis on value chain projects among donor organisations, as well as a lack of thorough monitoring and evaluations of these projects. Chapter two develops an understanding of pro-poor outcomes in value chain projects. This understanding is developed in a three-stage process. First, a review of existing academic literature, donor documents, and independent evaluations of value chain projects is conducted (Section 2.1). The aim of the review is to develop an understanding of value chain participation, particularly the terms by which participation can occur. ii Second, the paper identifies ten key factors affecting the ability of poor producers to participate in and directly benefit from value chai ns (Section 2.2). They are: labour intensity; asset specificity; commodity differentiation; long-run price stability; perishability; time-horizon and frequency of benefits; vertical coordination; horizontal coordination; vertical integration by producers' associations; and lead firm. Third, the paper synthesises these findings into a testable analytical typology consisting of six key determinants of pro-poor outcomes. These are: labour intensity; specificity; resilience; perishability; income smoothing; and governance of linkages. This analytical typology is intended to serve as a conceptual frame work on which value chain selection, design, and implementation may be structured. The typology is presented in terms of the likelihood that value chains will achieve pro-poor outcomes (Section 2.3). This typology serves as the paper's principal output, and can be both applied to, and tested using future value chain projects. Chapter three applies the typology to an assortment of IFAD's on-going value chain projects. The aim of this section is to offer an ex ample of how the typology could be applied in practice (Section 3.2). This is done to guide future research on pro-poor outcomes in value chain interventions. Two projects are given particular attention. These two cases exemplify how the typology can be applied to value chain project designs to create falsifiable hypotheses on whether the projects will achieve pro-poor outcomes. The intention is that future projects will utilize similar hypotheses to test the typology's explanatory power (for a proposed methodology, see Appendix). In the conclusion, the paper offers recommendations for future research.}, language = {en} } @misc{Hoffmann, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Hoffmann, Anna}, title = {The EU's Extraterritorial Asylum Policies \& Human Rights Obligations : Prospects, Limits and the Role of the European Courts}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20361}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {53}, abstract = {This paper presents an analysis of the underlying policy and legal mechanisms contributing to the deaths of migrants attempting to reach the EU by crossing the Mediterranean. It is structured into three sections, outlining, firstly, the deficits of the current Common European Asylum System, especially its extraterritorial dimension. It is argued that the reasons for the shortcomings of the current system are linked to the traditional state-centred paradigm still pre-dominant in EU law and policy. Secondly, human rights are presented as the conceptually adequate instrument to fill these gaps and to extend effective protection of migrants' human rights beyond the shores of Europe. The European Convention of Human Rights is singled out as the most promising system for doing so. Thirdly, analysing the role of the two major European Courts in extending human rights protection extraterritorially, it further outlines the prospects and limits of such an approach. The importance of the Courts in clarifying and also extending the reach of human rights protection is demonstrated and the paper concludes with an outlook on future challenges facing the two Courts and the human rights system within the European region.}, language = {de} } @misc{Roemmele, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {R{\"o}mmele, Andrea}, title = {The Effect of Campaign Finance Regulations on Corporate Contributions in the United States and West Germany}, language = {en} } @misc{MuellerBadoreck, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {M{\"u}ller-Badoreck, Karin}, title = {Leadership in EU civilian crisis management}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20452}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {55}, abstract = {With the establishment of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) in 1999, the EU aimed to tackle challenges in the field of security by deploying various military, police, justice and rule of law missions in troubled crisis areas. The Lisbon Treaty put the instrument of CSDP Missions on a new height, putting it under the umbrella of the European External Action Service with the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs \& Security Policy / Vice -President of the European Commission as their highest representative. CSDP Missions - while dealing with civilian crisis management in conflict and post- conflict countries - are operating in a highly political environment with demands and direction coming from the EU Member States, the EU institution s, the Host Nations and other international actors. Common values and norms applying to CSDP Missions are underdeveloped and not well communicated. Mandates are often not clearly defined. The work force is mainly seconded by the Member States and highly di verse in respect to culture, professional background and experience and language. Women are strongly underrepresented. Even though leadership is crucial in such a challenging environment, it has never been addressed within the CSDP structures until very recently. This thesis analysis the complexities of CSDP Missions and demands put on leadership in such an environment. Furthermore, it defines best practices and closes with recommendations on how the leadership culture in CSDP Missions can be improved. Results are generated by using literature analysis, interviews with key stakeholders, online questionnaires and the authors own work experience in a CSDP Mission. For CSDP Missions to become even more successful a stronger emphasis on the development of leadership culture seems appropriate. Starting from creating a leadership development strategy, defining standard guidelines and principals for recruitment and promotion of personnel, addressing the problem of gender imbalance, importance should be also put on defining a favored leadership style and common values. Future leaders should be skilled and experienced in working in a highly politicised environment leading and empowering a multi-cultural, diverse work force. With an effective leadership culture CSDP Missions will succeed in being a strong EU actor in civilian crisis management and helping to foster security and maintain peace in the world.}, language = {en} } @misc{Santikarn, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Santikarn, Marissa}, title = {Is it feasible to link the European Union emissions trading system with the Californian cap-and-trade programme?}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-12678}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {66}, abstract = {This paper examines the technical, legal and political feasibility of linking the European Union emissions trading system (EU ETS) with the Californian cap-and-trade programme (CAT). The technical feasibility of linking refers to the alignment of four key design features in the EU ETS and the CAT: (i) offset credits; (ii) price adjustment mechanisms (PAM); (iii) complementary climate and energy policies and (iv) monitoring, reporting and verification (MRV). Unless Europe and California can align their polar positions regarding land use, clearance and forestry (LULUCF) offsets and price floors, linking appears unlikely. There is also the question of how California's Allowance Price Containment Reserve (APCR) and the EU's proposed Market Stability Reserve (MSR) would function together in a linked scheme. Aligning the complementary climate and energy policies and MRV systems is less problematic, as harmonisation is not necessary. Regarding legal feasibility, it is unclear whether California, as a sub-national state, has the authority to negotiate and enter into a linked scheme with the EU. Politically, California may be reluctant to link with the EU, as this will lower both its allowance price and fiscal revenue. Furthermore, it could decrease the level of domestic investment and abatement. Assuaging California's concerns rests heavily on the extent to which the proposed structural reforms to the EU ETS boost the allowance price. In the case of linking the EU ETS and the CAT, domestic policy objectives are more important than the cost-efficiency gains of linking. As such, establishing a partial link may be more feasible.}, language = {en} } @misc{Kreibich, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Kreibich, Lisa-Marie}, title = {Improving Inter-Agency Collaboration in International Development Analysis of conditions under which to enter into, develop and sustain successful partnerships}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20431}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {64}, abstract = {Development aid is underperforming in terms of effectiveness due to donor diversification, proliferation and fragmentation. The re quest for more harmonized and collectively effective actions formulated in the High-Leve l Fora on aid effectiveness have gained sup- port across donor and recipient countries. However, commitment has not been successfully translated into significant changes on the ground. This gap between policy and country level practices needs to be addressed to make development assistance more effective. A first formal partnership of Deutsche Gesellschaft f{\"u}r Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), Agence Fran{\c{c}}aise de D{\´e}veloppement (AFD) and Lux-Development (LuxDev) has been established in the sector of technical vocational education and training. To assess this partnership and to identify areas for improvement, the study addresses the following research question: Under which conditions do implementing agencies in international development cooperation enter into, develop and sustain inter-organizational collaboration? The dimensions of the collaboration process are at the center of the analysis. The study develops a theoretical framework that consists of criteria to assess collaboration efforts of the agencies in four selected countries nd identifies weaknesses in the structural, the agency, and the social capital dimension. Structural aspects include common visions, shares power arrangements and commitment of the recipient country. Shared personal opinions, alignment of procedures and information exchange helps reconciling individual and collective interests. The analysis of the social capital dimension shows that mutual interaction, reciprocity and trust-building are crucial to successfully build social relationships which form the basis of any collaboration process. A set of nine recommendations are proposed to address the shortcomings in each of the three dimensions of the collaboration process to improve the partnership of the three agencies. To address the structural blocking factors, the agencies should evaluate their collaboration efforts, create a coordinating body and speak to the recipient country's government with one voice. To manage the tension between individual and collective interests, regular discussions with everyone involved and knowledge about the tools, procedures and implementing mechanisms of the collaboration partners are crucial. To better meet the criteria of the social capital dimension, the agencies should appoint boundary-spanners and create opportunities to learn about their collaboration partners' culture.}, language = {en} } @misc{Gilroy, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Gilroy, Patrick}, title = {Have think tanks in Washington D.C. become politicized?}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-10641}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {53}, abstract = {The paper addresses the following research question: Have think tanks in Washington D.C. become politicized from 1910 to 2010, and if so why? "Politicization" is made empirically tangible with a new primary database of all D.C. think tanks existent over the last century. Public policy-oriented research and advocacy organizations are studied from an explicitly evolutionary approach for the first time. It is found that while think tanks steadily accumulated until the early 1970s, their numbers increased fivefold from the late 1970s onwards. D.C. think tanks have, in fact, become significantly politicized over time: ideological advocacy think tanks (embracing broadly "conservative" or "liberal" worldviews) came to outnumber organizationally objective ("centrist or not identifiably ideological") academic or contract research think tanks. Most of today's advocacy think tanks embrace identifiably conservative ideologies. Based on chronological process tracing, it is shown that changes in the non-profit resource and tax environment, a relatively weak party system and frequent partisan polarization are important explanatory factors behind the politicization phenomenon. Far from living up to their constructive potential, it is argued, the capital city's think tanks now frequently hysterize rather than scrutinize policymaking, applying politico-ideological principles of economic interventionism and social justice or, far more often, free markets, limited government and individual liberties to all things public policy. Main scholarly and practical implications of think tanks' politicization are sounded out. (Hertie Student Paper Series is an online publication series of Hertie School of Governance)}, language = {en} } @misc{Collins, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Collins, Georgina}, title = {Governing through crime in the Northern Territory: Are criminal justice system changes contributing to rising Indigenous imprisonment?}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20384}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {51}, abstract = {Almost 25 years on from the landmark Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody Indigenous imprisonment in Australia continues to rise at an alarming rate, leading to further over representation in the criminal justice system. A number of academics have applied the theory of 'governing through crime' in the context of Indigenous imprisonment to argue that the strategic use of crime has led to a targeting of Indigenous offenders in an increasingly punitive and risk based system. If correct this would imply a disconnection between rising imprisonment and actual levels of crime and safety in the community — a finding which could have significant policy implication s. However, evidence to support this claim is currently limited, a gap which this thesis seeks to address through a case study of the Northern Territory. Inquiry is conducted at two levels: firstly by asking what criminal justice law and policy changes could have contributed to rising Indigenous imprisonment and secondly by asking why these changes could have disproportionately impacted Indigenous persons. A mixed methods approach is used, combining a review of academic literature, a review of legislation and policy and analysis of quantitative data sources. Long term crime rates have been trending downwards for most offence categories in the Northern Territory in recent years. Comparison of these trends to the prison population supports the contention that increased imprisonment cannot be adequately explained by increased offending and broader system changes may be playing an important role. The past decade has been one of rapid changes to legislation and policy governing various aspects of the criminal justice system. Significant changes which have potentially impacted on Indigenous imprisonment were enacted in the areas of sentencing, bail, non - custodial sentencing options, alcohol regulation, domestic violence, parole and police powers. From analysis of these changes a number of key trends emerge that support the governing through crime hypothesis. These are: a heightened focus on protection of the community through the use of broad categories of risk; placement of seriousness of the crime as the iii central consideration in decision making to the exclusion of individual offender circumstances; intensified surveillance and enforcement; and encroachment of the criminal justice system into areas traditionally the domain of social policy. Analysis of available data, as well consideration of the contextual circumstances in which these changes apply, suggest s a heavy imp act of many of the changes on the Indigenous population. A typical explanation for this heavy impact relies on high levels of offending among the Indigenous population and a tendency for many of the types of crimes and offenders targeted by changes to correlate with Indigeneity. However, adding another layer to this explanation by looking at the historical context for Indigenous disadvantage and the political context in which law and policy changes are made suggests that this explanation is overly simplistic. By examining these contextual factors it is argued that heavy impacts on Indigenous persons are not merely an unfortunate co incidence but at least in part product of a political process that views crime through a radicalized lens and targets Indigenous persons accordingly. This concerning as it implies that policy makers are being driven by popular fears and conceptions of crime and race rather than rational evidence. As a result many of the changes implemented are directly contrary to a growing evidence base as to what works in both reducing Indigenous d is advantage and reducing crime. Overall support is found for the hypothesis that an increasingly punitive criminal justice system and a shift towards governing through crime is contributing to rising Indigenous imprisonment in the Northern Territory. This finding is qualified by an acknowledgement that this is not a comprehensive explanation and a range of complex factors are at play in Indigenous over representation. Nevertheless, it does highlight the importance of criminal justice law and policy settings in Indigenous over representation and point towards a nee d for structural changes which place impacts on Indigenous persons at the center of the decision making process. Approaches such as racial impact statements are promising in this regard and deserving of further research.}, language = {en} }