@misc{Reimbold, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Reimbold, Haley}, title = {Welfare State Regimes \& Youth Incarceration : A Comparison of Germany, Sweden, and the United States}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20371}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {18}, abstract = {Despite international consensus among researchers that incarcerating youth is an ineffective and inefficient response to crime, this practice persists—to widely varying degrees—in every country. What are the differences in youth incarceration in disparate welfare state regimes? To answer this question, this paper develops a youth incarceration typology by comparing three cases: that of Sweden, Germany, and the United States. The first multi-¬-dimensional typology specific to youth incarceration, this tool encompasses four key domains central to the type of system operated in a nation. These include the purpose and extent of incarceration use, compliance with international human rights, and privatization receptiveness. A fifth domain, disproportionate minority incarceration, was considered but results indicate the need for further research on this issue. Three youth incarceration types, aligned with welfare state regimes, are developed from a mixed methods research design comparing the countries of interest. With juvenile justice systems situated within justice departments and a central aim of punishment, liberal regimes, such as the United States, demonstrate low compliance with human rights, and the highest rates of prison privatization. Conservative regimes, based on data from Germany, exhibit a central goal of rehabilitation, low privatization receptiveness, and ratification of human rights resolutions. Social democratic regimes, such as Sweden, have a youth rights centered system, with no privatization and full adoption of human rights resolutions. When accounting for diversity in each country's population, Sweden was found to have the highest levels of disproportionate minority incarceration and the United States the lowest, with Germany between the two. Regarding this domain, further research is required to determine if this finding is characteristic of social democratic and liberal nations. After comparing the countries of interest, the relationship between welfare state regime types and juvenile justice systems is examined. This paper concludes with recommendations for the research, policy, and practitioner communities to advance analysis and reforms to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of juvenile justice systems internationally.}, language = {en} } @misc{Stamm, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Stamm, Julia}, title = {Towards New Horizons in EU Research Policy : The changing role of the Directorate - General for Research (and Innovation)}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20478}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {39}, abstract = {My EMPM Master thesis focuses on changing governance structures in European research policy and the role the European Commission is playing in this context. In particular, it aims at investigating whether we currently witness the transition of the European Commission's Directorate - General for Research (and Innovation) into a European research ministry. In order to lay the ground for finding answers to this question, I first introduce the history of Community activities in the area of research and discuss the development of power relations between the different European players in the area. The concept of "agencification" and its consequences for the work, status and self - perception of the European Commission is looked at in particular depth. In the following analytical chapter I argue that this paradigm shift is indeed taking place and that, among others elements, the new position of research as "shared competence" after the Lisbon Treaty, the relatively recent creation of two executive research agencies and strong leadership embodied in the person of the Commissioner for Research and Innovation have contributed decisively to the development. The thesis is based on the analysis of both relevant literature and theory as well as on semi - structured interviews that I carried out with relevant stakeholders in Brussels, both from the European institutions and from concerned institutions, organizations, and associations, hence providing a sound mix of theoretical approaches and practical reflections.}, language = {en} } @misc{RossWest, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Ross, Nicholas and West, Jonathan}, title = {The Value Chain Approach to rural agricultural development. Understanding the principal determinants of pro-poor outcomes}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20493}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {102}, abstract = {This paper seeks to better understand the determinants of pro-poor outcomes in value chain projects. It is motivated by a desire to examine scepticism regarding the widespread use of value chain projects as poverty-alleviation tools. The thesis is guided by the following questions i.Can value chain approaches to rural development benefit the poor in a direct manner? ii.Under what circumstances can value chain approaches to rural development achieve the most substantive and significant pro-poor outcomes? In particular, the paper focuses on asset-poor agricultural producers (including farmers), which are referred to as poor producers for the sake of brevity. As such, pro-poor outcomes refer to beneficial outcomes for asset-poor agricultural producers. To address these two questions, the paper is divide d into three chapters. Chapter one explores the concept of the value chain. Through this it highlights an increasing emphasis on value chain projects among donor organisations, as well as a lack of thorough monitoring and evaluations of these projects. Chapter two develops an understanding of pro-poor outcomes in value chain projects. This understanding is developed in a three-stage process. First, a review of existing academic literature, donor documents, and independent evaluations of value chain projects is conducted (Section 2.1). The aim of the review is to develop an understanding of value chain participation, particularly the terms by which participation can occur. ii Second, the paper identifies ten key factors affecting the ability of poor producers to participate in and directly benefit from value chai ns (Section 2.2). They are: labour intensity; asset specificity; commodity differentiation; long-run price stability; perishability; time-horizon and frequency of benefits; vertical coordination; horizontal coordination; vertical integration by producers' associations; and lead firm. Third, the paper synthesises these findings into a testable analytical typology consisting of six key determinants of pro-poor outcomes. These are: labour intensity; specificity; resilience; perishability; income smoothing; and governance of linkages. This analytical typology is intended to serve as a conceptual frame work on which value chain selection, design, and implementation may be structured. The typology is presented in terms of the likelihood that value chains will achieve pro-poor outcomes (Section 2.3). This typology serves as the paper's principal output, and can be both applied to, and tested using future value chain projects. Chapter three applies the typology to an assortment of IFAD's on-going value chain projects. The aim of this section is to offer an ex ample of how the typology could be applied in practice (Section 3.2). This is done to guide future research on pro-poor outcomes in value chain interventions. Two projects are given particular attention. These two cases exemplify how the typology can be applied to value chain project designs to create falsifiable hypotheses on whether the projects will achieve pro-poor outcomes. The intention is that future projects will utilize similar hypotheses to test the typology's explanatory power (for a proposed methodology, see Appendix). In the conclusion, the paper offers recommendations for future research.}, language = {en} } @misc{Mutunga, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Mutunga, Kasyoka P.}, title = {The International Monetary Fund's conditionality regime: A cautionary tale on the pitfalls of human rights mainstreaming}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-5642}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-56428}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {52}, abstract = {This study contributes to critical scholarship urging a rethink of the deployment of human rights logic and rhetoric to re-order the preferences of international financial institutions (IFIs). Imagining the world as Polanyi does, it contextualises this discourse within the double movement that pits those in favour of disembedded economies; such as the IFIs in question, against those in favour of re-embedded ones. Among the re-embedders, are human rights activists and scholars that view the mainstreaming of human rights into an aspect of the regular business of (international) governance, as a valuable re-embedding strategy. But this study questions the merits of such an approach, considering the indeterminacy of human rights law and rhetoric. It puts to the test the IMF's exposure to and subsequent use of human rights language or vocabulary. Heeding Koskenniemi, it queries whether the Fund's (HRV) usage might indeed signal a shift in the Fund's practices, towards a social re-embedding approach. Despite the Fund's shiny new social protection instruments such as its social spending floors and Resilience and Sustainability Facility, it emerges that its priorities and practices remain unchanged. In this context, its HRV usage only obscures its commitment to its more traditional fiscal and monetarist objectives.}, language = {en} } @misc{Hoffmann, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Hoffmann, Anna}, title = {The EU's Extraterritorial Asylum Policies \& Human Rights Obligations : Prospects, Limits and the Role of the European Courts}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20361}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {53}, abstract = {This paper presents an analysis of the underlying policy and legal mechanisms contributing to the deaths of migrants attempting to reach the EU by crossing the Mediterranean. It is structured into three sections, outlining, firstly, the deficits of the current Common European Asylum System, especially its extraterritorial dimension. It is argued that the reasons for the shortcomings of the current system are linked to the traditional state-centred paradigm still pre-dominant in EU law and policy. Secondly, human rights are presented as the conceptually adequate instrument to fill these gaps and to extend effective protection of migrants' human rights beyond the shores of Europe. The European Convention of Human Rights is singled out as the most promising system for doing so. Thirdly, analysing the role of the two major European Courts in extending human rights protection extraterritorially, it further outlines the prospects and limits of such an approach. The importance of the Courts in clarifying and also extending the reach of human rights protection is demonstrated and the paper concludes with an outlook on future challenges facing the two Courts and the human rights system within the European region.}, language = {de} } @misc{Roemmele, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {R{\"o}mmele, Andrea}, title = {The Effect of Campaign Finance Regulations on Corporate Contributions in the United States and West Germany}, language = {en} } @misc{Bartsch, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Bartsch, Ilka Catherine}, title = {Nothing about us without us? Exploring resistance to child participation in the global governance towards the elimination of child labour}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-5649}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-56497}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {56}, abstract = {Child participation in policymaking has gained growing recognition and implementation since the 1990s. An exception is the global governance of child labour. Despite the urgency to reach SDG 8.7 and eliminate child labour by 2025, participation of working children remains limited. While existing literature has identified considerable resistance to child participation, it has failed to provide comprehensive explanations. Therefore, this research examines the persistence of resistance to child participation in the global governance of child labour. For this purpose, it employs a critical discourse analysis according to Fairclough to uncover relations of power on the issue of child participation. Specifically, the language used by the most relevant stakeholders in the realm of the International Year on the Elimination of Child Labour in 2021 and the 5th Global Conference on the Elimination of Child Labour in 2022 is examined in relation to the broader context of the global governance of child labour. The research confirms that the dominant discourses on the global governance of child labour - a collective action discourse, a political discourse, and a human-centred discourse - contribute to the resistance to child participation by creating an aversion to taking full responsibility and accountability for child labour. Nevertheless, the findings indicate a potential shift towards increased child participation. This potential is derived from new combinations of the dominant discourses and a democratic discourse on child participation as primarily used by children, as well as the limited instances of child participation in the given context. Based on these findings, it offers recommendations for working children and their advocates to reinforce the shift towards child participation by emphasizing children's agency and the rights-based focus, as well as targeting both aligning and opposing key stakeholders.}, language = {en} } @misc{MuellerBadoreck, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {M{\"u}ller-Badoreck, Karin}, title = {Leadership in EU civilian crisis management}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20452}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {55}, abstract = {With the establishment of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) in 1999, the EU aimed to tackle challenges in the field of security by deploying various military, police, justice and rule of law missions in troubled crisis areas. The Lisbon Treaty put the instrument of CSDP Missions on a new height, putting it under the umbrella of the European External Action Service with the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs \& Security Policy / Vice -President of the European Commission as their highest representative. CSDP Missions - while dealing with civilian crisis management in conflict and post- conflict countries - are operating in a highly political environment with demands and direction coming from the EU Member States, the EU institution s, the Host Nations and other international actors. Common values and norms applying to CSDP Missions are underdeveloped and not well communicated. Mandates are often not clearly defined. The work force is mainly seconded by the Member States and highly di verse in respect to culture, professional background and experience and language. Women are strongly underrepresented. Even though leadership is crucial in such a challenging environment, it has never been addressed within the CSDP structures until very recently. This thesis analysis the complexities of CSDP Missions and demands put on leadership in such an environment. Furthermore, it defines best practices and closes with recommendations on how the leadership culture in CSDP Missions can be improved. Results are generated by using literature analysis, interviews with key stakeholders, online questionnaires and the authors own work experience in a CSDP Mission. For CSDP Missions to become even more successful a stronger emphasis on the development of leadership culture seems appropriate. Starting from creating a leadership development strategy, defining standard guidelines and principals for recruitment and promotion of personnel, addressing the problem of gender imbalance, importance should be also put on defining a favored leadership style and common values. Future leaders should be skilled and experienced in working in a highly politicised environment leading and empowering a multi-cultural, diverse work force. With an effective leadership culture CSDP Missions will succeed in being a strong EU actor in civilian crisis management and helping to foster security and maintain peace in the world.}, language = {en} } @misc{Santikarn, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Santikarn, Marissa}, title = {Is it feasible to link the European Union emissions trading system with the Californian cap-and-trade programme?}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-12678}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {66}, abstract = {This paper examines the technical, legal and political feasibility of linking the European Union emissions trading system (EU ETS) with the Californian cap-and-trade programme (CAT). The technical feasibility of linking refers to the alignment of four key design features in the EU ETS and the CAT: (i) offset credits; (ii) price adjustment mechanisms (PAM); (iii) complementary climate and energy policies and (iv) monitoring, reporting and verification (MRV). Unless Europe and California can align their polar positions regarding land use, clearance and forestry (LULUCF) offsets and price floors, linking appears unlikely. There is also the question of how California's Allowance Price Containment Reserve (APCR) and the EU's proposed Market Stability Reserve (MSR) would function together in a linked scheme. Aligning the complementary climate and energy policies and MRV systems is less problematic, as harmonisation is not necessary. Regarding legal feasibility, it is unclear whether California, as a sub-national state, has the authority to negotiate and enter into a linked scheme with the EU. Politically, California may be reluctant to link with the EU, as this will lower both its allowance price and fiscal revenue. Furthermore, it could decrease the level of domestic investment and abatement. Assuaging California's concerns rests heavily on the extent to which the proposed structural reforms to the EU ETS boost the allowance price. In the case of linking the EU ETS and the CAT, domestic policy objectives are more important than the cost-efficiency gains of linking. As such, establishing a partial link may be more feasible.}, language = {en} } @misc{Wevers, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Wevers, Dorian}, title = {Internationale Klimaatstrategie: A Whole-of-Government Policy for a Whole-of-Planet Problem: Interministerial Coordination of the Dutch International Climate Policy}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-5888}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-58888}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {52}, abstract = {Climate change is no longer a challenge confined to the environment or a single policy domain; it is a cross-cutting issue affecting nearly every sector of society and demanding action beyond national borders. In this light, this study investigates how the Dutch government coordinates its international climate policy across multiple ministries. It addresses the research question: How does the Dutch government coordinate international climate policy across multiple ministries, and what factors influence such integration? Drawing on policy integration theory, the study uses framework analysis of parliamentary documents and 12 elite interviews with ministry representatives to examine integration across four dimensions: policy frame, subsystem involvement, policy goals, and policy instruments. The analysis reveals moderate to high levels of integration, supported by structured coordination mechanisms such as the Interdepartmental Taskforce on Climate Diplomacy, but also highlights challenges, including competing priorities and political shifts. This study offers a novel empirical contribution by applying policy integration theory to international climate governance and provides broader insights into how states internally organise their climate efforts across foreign policy and international engagement.}, language = {en} }