@phdthesis{LeNoan, author = {Le Noan, Anne-Cl{\´e}mence}, title = {Changing the way social inequality in education is treated in France and Germany: Schule macht stark (2019) and Les contrats locaux d'accompagnement (2020) as contrasting examples of layering}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6167}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-61674}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {316}, abstract = {France and Germany are among the OECD countries where social origin most strongly affects educational achievement. While the structural causes of this phenomenon have been widely studied, the institutionalization of its policy treatment and the room for manoeuvre available to policymakers to bring change in these two contrasting education systems remain underexplored. This dissertation addresses this gap through a comparative analysis of two recent policies targeting schools in disadvantaged areas: Schule macht stark in Germany and les contrats locaux d'accompagnement in France. Drawing on process-tracing, the analysis of documents and 50 interviews, and grounded in neo-institutionalist theory, this research shows that these policies exemplify layering: strong veto players constrained policymakers to implement change through the addition of experimental initiatives rather than through reform of existing policies. These shifts affected policy orientations—toward greater efficiency in France and greater equity in Germany—policy instruments—via the strengthening of New Public Management—and governance levels—with the involvement of the federal tier in Germany. In France, changes were rapid but short-lived, marked by the political instrumentalization of experimentation. In Germany, they were slower but more enduring, supported by academic expertise. In both cases, broader initiatives—Conseil national de la refondation and the Startchancen-Programm—have continued these trajectories, illustrating the relevance of the layering approach.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Wilkins, author = {Wilkins, Katherine}, title = {The New 'NORMal'? How innovative actors are reshaping the global approach to controlling corruption}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6166}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-61661}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {166}, abstract = {This dissertation explores the evolving global anti-corruption regime and examines the interplay between norms and strategic interests in shaping responses to corruption. While traditional narratives portray anti-corruption policy as a normative undertaking, in this dissertation I argue that states' responses to corruption are meaningfully shaped by the pursuit of geopolitical interests. At the theoretical level, this dissertation contributes to the rationalism-constructivism debate in international relations theory. Drawing on March and Olsen's dual logics analytical framework, this dissertation introduces a model of bounded decision-making in which norms serve as boundary conditions for responses, but interests shape their scope and intensity. In this model, states attempt to balance norms and interests by prioritizing interest-driven actions while still seeking to maintain normative legitimacy within the international system. Examining the recent decade of anti-corruption rulemaking and a key case of enforcement, this dissertation offers evidence that states may introduce or enforce anti-corruption rules as an instrument of geopolitical strategy. These findings have broad implications for international cooperation on corruption. Additionally, this dissertation contributes to the theoretical understanding of norm development within the analytical framework of network governance theory, which posits that complex global challenges can be effectively addressed through decentralized approaches to governance. This research further examines the role of non-state actors in anti- corruption governance, offering new evidence of how non-state actors navigate norm development, and examining these processes in the context of broader governance trends, especially the shifting relationships between state and non-state actors. These findings support the arguments of network governance theory on the role of non-state actors in global governance, demonstrating how they are shaping norms, including normative constraints on state decision-making. The empirical findings of this dissertation highlight the complexity of anti-corruption governance in a competitive global environment. By emphasizing the role of geopolitical interests in shaping responses to corruption, this research counters the prevailing narrative of anti-corruption as an exclusively normative field. These findings have significant implications for policymakers and anti-corruption advocates, calling for a nuanced understanding of state interests and the influence of non-state actors for advancing global anti-corruption efforts in an increasingly competitive international environment.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{GarciaCorral, author = {Garc{\´i}a-Corral, Paulina}, title = {Framing attributions: A methodological and conceptual contribution to the study of explanations in political discourse}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6124}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-61241}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {iv, 137}, abstract = {As humans, we think of the social world in causal terms, seeking to answer questions that help us make sense of what happens around us, predict future outcomes, and address current issues. The way we communicate displays our causal reasoning, as it is through language that we share how we think the world works, and also attempt to control how others perceive who is responsible of social issues and how to fix them. Therefore, analyzing the use of causal expressions in the public sphere is crucial to better understand political discourse and its downstream effects on political opinion, attitudes, and behavior. In this dissertation, I develop a framework to identify and extract expressions of causal attributions from political text, drawing on techniques from computational linguistics. To do this, I design a coding scheme and create a corpus annotated for causal language in the political domain. I test the corpus on a broad range of pre-trained language models on the task of identifying and parsing expressions of causality: from smaller transformer-based models such as Bert, to modern Large Language Models, like GPT-4. Additionally, I introduce an evaluation strategy tailored to test if a model's causal extraction is done through linguistic parsing or by leveraging causal patterns learned during pre-training. After interpreting experimental results, I develop a framework to parse expressions of causal attributions in text, adapted for political methodology. With this novel measurement tool, I empirically examine the constructions of causality used in the coverage of two international conflicts. I demonstrate the method's capabilities and ease of use for political science research. With insights from the case study, I conceptualize "non attribution", and posit it as a unique framing practice, complementary to responsibility framing. With it, I argue that the omission of causal attributions is a distinct frame, and not a neutral absence in news coverage. With this dissertation, I extend the current scholarship on causal language modeling, and show how new text-as-data methods can be used to scale and examine discourse to identify novel concepts, and extend previous work in political communication.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Tiedemann, author = {Tiedemann, Silvana}, title = {Essays in empirical energy economics: Real-time electricity pricing, energy saving rewards, and auctions in the energy transition}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {264}, abstract = {The transition to a sustainable energy system requires a balance between climate protection, economic efficiency, and energy security. This dissertation contributes to understanding how to achieve these policy goals by evaluating the effect of real-time pricing on demand-side flexibility, financial incentives for energy savings, and auction-based steering of the national capacity mix. The two articles in the first part examine the challenges of estimating the response of electricity demand to real-time pricing. Despite theoretical expectations that dynamic pricing allows for flexible electricity consumption, empirical analyses show that consumers respond little to short-term fluctuations. However, they may systematically adjust consumption, providing a form of demand flexibility that is not captured by some econometric models. Moreover, time dynamics can bias results if not properly addressed. This work therefore advances our understanding of how to isolate different types of responses and how to interpret empirical findings. The article in the second part examines financial incentives for energy savings, focusing on gas saving rewards implemented during the European energy crisis of 2022/23. Analyzing micro-level consumption data, this research employs a matched control group design and the presently developed Double/Debiased Machine Learning estimator to show that direct financial incentives significantly reduce gas consumption. The two articles in the third part evaluate auctions to manage the national capacity mix. An evaluation of Germany's coal phase-out auctions shows that the mechanism was designed to balance competing policy objectives, resulting in relatively low compensation costs but increasing the carbon intensity of the remaining coal fleet. The study of renewable energy auctions estimates bidders' true costs and mark-ups, revealing significant heterogeneity in bidding strategies based on firm size and market experience. Overall, this dissertation provides empirical evidence for designing effective policies to advance the energy transition, drawing on econometric and causal methods. The findings underscore the need for tailored incentive structures and market mechanisms that are consistent with policy objectives, consumer behavior, and market dynamics.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Gao, author = {Gao, Lin}, title = {Polyphony in Motion: The Sustained Multivocality of Social Entrepreneurship in China}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6025}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-60259}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {xiii, 170}, abstract = {Sustained multivocality - the coexistence of divergent interpretations of the same phenomenon - is a common yet under-theorized condition in field evolution. This dissertation examines how the multivocality surrounding the concept of social entrepreneurship persists and even deepens in China, despite conditions that typically favor convergence. The study focuses on three key intermediary organizations in China, which interpret social entrepreneurship in increasingly distinct ways, despite all emerging from the field's early discourse and facing pressure from powerful forces to forge consensus. This study employs a qualitative research design to unpack the processes and mechanisms through which the multivocality not only persists but also deepens over time. The study contributes to our understanding of meaning-making and field evolution in three ways. First, it develops a relational frame typology, identifying four types of frames - elastic, normative, ideological, and pragmatic - each carrying distinct relational implications. It advances the literature by demonstrating that frames are relation-laden constructs and, once enacted, position actors relationally within the field and shape the opportunity space for future meaning-making. Second, building on and extending the insights from the framing and sensemaking literature, it conceptualizes meaning construction as a multifaceted, situated, and relational process in which actors construct meanings through the simultaneous interpretation of the self, the object, and the context. Central to this process is the self-context orientation, which refers to how one perceives and positions oneself in relation to the context. Third, it explains that sustained multivocality emerges from the dynamic interplay between actors' places in the context, or the situated self, and their choice of frames. Drawing on Bakhtin's concept of polyphony, it then theorizes sustained interpretive divergence not as a temporary disarray or failure of power to converge, but as a durable and generative form of order. Polyphony, as theorized here, offers a lens for understanding how order can emerge through divergence, moving beyond the consensus-driven paradigm and the power-centric view. The study concludes by inviting a rethinking of consensus, relationality, and organizing in a world characterized by increasing fluidity, ambiguity, and ongoing change.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Koh, author = {Koh, Allison}, title = {Platformed Power Plays: Authoritarian Adaptations in Foreign Social Media Spaces}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6024}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-60240}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {xi, 119}, abstract = {Social media platforms profoundly influence our perception of the world, shaping the way we receive and spread information. They shed light on crucial issues such as political violence and police repression, thereby holding governments accountable for their repressive actions. However, the governments implicated in such cases often attempt to curtail the impact of these digital platforms. They restrict domestic access to international communication channels, impose internet blackouts during political unrest, and intimidate dissidents into silence. Despite these efforts, states persistently grapple with the challenge of controlling the global narratives being spread on foreign social media platforms that lie just beyond their reach. In this cumulative dissertation, I attempt to answer the question of how repressive regimes control information flows in foreign social media spaces, even when they cannot exercise direct provision over these platforms. I argue that states "play by the rules" of the foreign social media spaces that they intend to influence, which often entails producing content that aligns with liberal democratic norms. In doing so, they evade sounding the alarm for foreign governments and the international community to sanction them. In a constantly evolving landscape of transnational social media regulation, states also benefit from foreign platforms that recently became havens for contentious political activity. In the conceptual work of this dissertation, I offer a broad overview of how states deal with diaspora dissent on foreign platforms. To empirically test my expectations on how regime supporters exploit platform governance vulnerabilities, I analyze pro-PRC actors' responses to Uyghur regime critics in exile on Twitter. To test my expectations on recent shifts in the global regulatory landscape of foreign social media spaces, I leverage a recent change in Twitter's policies for government and state-affiliated media. Overall, the evidence presented in this dissertation supports the notion that limited information control in foreign social media spaces can pose obstacles for contemporary governments who aim to engage in digital authoritarian practices. However, there remain vulnerabilities in platform governance that make it possible for states and their proxies to target key regime threats and manipulate the global public sphere as part of their foreign policy. Ultimately, this has important ramifications for policies aimed at transnational social media regulation and mitigating the online facets of global authoritarianism.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Wriedt, author = {Wriedt, Vera}, title = {Bordering Belonging: Colonialism, Nationality and Expulsions in the European and African Human Rights Systems}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6023}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-60236}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {xxii, 272}, abstract = {This thesis investigates how the European and African regional human rights systems reproduce or counteract border coloniality in their drafting of norms and subsequent caselaw on matters of nationality and expulsions. Rather than taking the European human rights system as a yardstick to emulate, the analysis critiques its restrictive moves, whilst highlighting transformative contestations of exclusion in the African human rights system. In the European system, the colonial clause built into the 1950 European Convention on Human Rights was further refined in its 1963 Protocol 4 to distinguish between metropolitan and non-metropolitan territories with regard to entry and expulsion. These differentiations reverberate in caselaw that denies the right to nationality and legitimises collective expulsions based on tropes of danger and culpability, whereas judgments upholding the rights of people on the move across borders appear as outliers. In the African system, the anti-colonialism shaping the drafting of the 1981 African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights was followed by innovative interpretations reading the right to nationality into the right to recognition of legal status, as well as holistic protection against collective expulsions linked to related rights, but the jurisprudence is limited. Despite epistemic shifts away from the denigration of former colonial subjects crossing borders and moves towards the expansive interpretation of some rights, both systems operate within the limits of codified human rights law, in which many structural elements of border coloniality engrained in statist migration law remain unchallenged and perhaps unchallengeable. By providing the first juxtaposition of these issues in the European and African human rights systems, the thesis contributes to comparative international human rights law, critiques of the coloniality of international law, and border regime studies.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Gross, author = {Groß, Greta Frederike}, title = {Narrating for Democratic Resilience: Morality and Future Orientation in Political Communication}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6019}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-60199}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {194}, abstract = {This dissertation examines how political communication shapes democratic resilience under conditions of compounding crises. It starts from the premise that liberal democracies confront an external crisis of global threats such as climate change and an internal crisis of democratic legitimacy, expressed through affective polarization and institutional short-termism. Both dynamics constrain democracies' capacity for problem-solving and raise questions about the role of political communication in shaping public understanding and collective action. The dissertation studies two communicative obstacles to democratic problem-solving: the difficulty of engaging across affectively polarized groups and the challenge of articulating shared future-oriented narratives. Three empirical studies investigate how democratic actors navigate these barriers and how specific narrative strategies may help to overcome them. Chapter 2 compares the moral rhetoric used by Jacinda Ardern and Boris Johnson in their parliamentary communication before and during the COVID-19 crisis. Drawing on the idea that political messages employing a broad moral repertoire may appeal across partisan lines, the chapter develops a scalable measure of moral diversity. Automated content analysis reveals limited differences between both leaders and no substantial increase in moral diversity during the crisis. The findings indicate unexploited potential to build more inclusive and persuasive crisis communication. Chapter 3 uses a survey experiment in Germany to test whether moral reframing—aligning policy messages with recipients' moral values—can decrease affective polarization. Varying the message framing, issue domain, and messenger characteristics, the study shows that moral reframing increases openness to cross-partisan policy proposals among respondents on both the political left and right. The results inform debates on the effectiveness and limits of depolarizing communication strategies in divided societies. Chapter 4 analyzes temporal narratives in German parliamentary discourse from 1991 to 2024 to assess how often and under which institutional conditions politicians refer to the future. The findings show that future-oriented rhetoric clusters in the early stages of legislative periods and is more prevalent among governing parties, suggesting that electoral incentives contribute to democratic myopia and reduce attention to long-term challenges. Overall, the dissertation advances research on the communicative foundations of democratic resilience by highlighting narrative approaches that may help solving contemporary crises.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{RamirezRuiz, author = {Ramirez-Ruiz, Sebastian}, title = {The Evidence Interface: How policymakers encounter, engage with, and make sense of scientific knowledge}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6015}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-60150}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {xx, 182}, abstract = {While evidence can be a critical input for policymaking, our understanding of how it flows from research and expert communities to elite decision-makers remains remarkably limited. Studying these flows, and the relationships that underpin them, is inherently difficult. They are fragmented, politically mediated, and largely unobservable. This dissertation addresses these challenges by advancing a data-extensive computational social science approach, drawing on alternative (largely unstructured) data sources to systematically observe and characterize elite-evidence interactions. This project consists of four studies, involves the creation of new data infrastructures, and provides a foundation for future research and a proof of concept for investigating these dynamics. The first study analyzes behavioral data from nearly 3,700 legislators across 12 countries to examine how elected officials follow and interact with academic researchers on Twitter, revealing that engagement is rare and shaped by partisanship and educational background, though exogenous shocks such as the COVID-19 pandemic can increase attention to medical expertise. The second study maps the evidence cited in 1.2 million policy documents across 185 countries, demonstrating the persistent dominance of research produced in the global North and highlighting systematic epistemic asymmetries in policy-relevant knowledge. The third study introduces the Bundestag Expert Witness Tracker (BEWIT), capturing all public expert hearings in the German Bundestag from 2009 to 2024, and shows how political gatekeeping and transparency reforms shape which experts inform legislative processes. The fourth study develops and validates the INSPIRE instrument, a psychometrically robust measure of scientific evidence consumption literacy for public policy contexts, providing a framework for assessing individuals' capacity to engage with complex evidence. Together, these studies offer new perspectives on who gets seen and heard, what kinds of expertise gain traction, and how institutional and individual factors can shape evidence use in practice.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Harter, author = {Harter, Anina}, title = {Essays in Applied Microeconomics: How Shocks and Institutions Shape Policy Preferences and Public Spending}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6012}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-60126}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {viii, 120}, abstract = {This dissertation in applied microeconomics studies how political institutions and external shocks shape individual policy preferences and public spending. It comprises three self-contained chapters. Chapter 1 investigates the role of legislative institutions in the allocation of public funds. Chapters 2 and 3 analyze the impact of disruptive events on individual preferences for health policies. Chapter 1 studies how legislative institutions shape distributive policy outcomes. Specifically, it examines the allocation of federal grants by the German Bundestag's budget committee. Using a difference-in-differences design, the analysis shows that gaining a seat on the budget committee doubles the average grant amount allocated to a legislator's electoral district. This committee benefit in the allocation of grants is driven by internal committee hierarchy, rather than affiliation with the government or incentives from mandate types. Chapter 2 examines how individuals' previous experience of disruptive events shapes demand for current crisis remedies. Using a model of experience-based learning and micro-level survey data from 19 countries, this chapter finds that individuals who have been exposed to disasters or armed conflict are more willing to get vaccinated against COVID-19. A case study using survey data from Russia reveals that this effect is conditional on trust in government. Chapter 3 analyzes how a single disruptive event can alter individuals' preferences for abortion policy. It studies the 1976 Seveso chemical disaster which sharply increased perceived risk of industrial toxic exposure, particularly for pregnant women. Using pre-accident data on industrial plant locations and municipality-level voting, this study finds that proximity to hazardous industry reduced support for a restrictive abortion policy.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Minetto, author = {Minetto, Francesca}, title = {Shaping Brussels from the outside in: The role of international institutions in EU policymaking}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6000}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-60004}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {ii, 192}, abstract = {As global governance becomes increasingly complex, interconnected, and contested, this dissertation examines a dimension that remains largely overlooked: the relevance of international institutions on the EU's legal order. While the EU's role as an international actor and exporter of norms has received significant scholarly attention, far less is known about how this outward engagement generates feedback effects that shape policymaking within the Union itself. This dissertation shifts the focus from the well-established image of the EU as a global rule-shaper toward a more reciprocal and layered understanding of its embeddedness in international institutional structures. My research foregrounds the EU's role as a recipient of external policies, standards, and forms of expertise—raising new questions about the implications of this embeddedness for the EU legal order and its internal policymaking dynamics. Theoretically, the dissertation focuses on international institutions as epistemic authorities and standard-setters that feature in EU policymaking and its legislative processes. I draw on insights from policy diffusion, epistemic communities, EU external governance and EU actorness to advance a relational understanding of how external frameworks become internalised in the EU legislative process. Empirically, the dissertation makes three key contributions. First, it demonstrates through large-scale citation analysis that international institutions consistently function as evidence providers in EU policy documents, and that their inputs are not sporadic or symbolic but structurally embedded within EU knowledge practices. Second, it introduces the EUxII database—an original dataset covering over 1,400 legislative files—that enables the systematic mapping of international institutional presence across EU lawmaking. Third, it shows that nearly one in four legislative proposals reflects substantive policy import, meaning external policies stemming from international institutions are incorporated into EU legal texts. The findings reveal clear patterns in when and how policy import occurs: legislative proposals are more likely to draw on external models under conditions of institutional expansion, global alignment pressure, or heightened uncertainty. These dynamics challenge conventional accounts of EU actorness and policy diffusion by demonstrating that the EU is not only a source of global governance innovation but also a structured recipient of transnational expertise. By tracing this underexplored "outside-in" dynamic, my dissertation contributes to broader debates in European integration, EU actorness, inter-organisational influence and policy diffusion. It offers a data-rich, theoretically grounded account of how international institutions shape the EU's legislative output, and in doing so, repositions the EU as a polity co constituted by its global institutional environment. In a context of contested multilateralism, this entanglement is both functionally significant and normatively consequential.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Molina, author = {Molina, Stefania}, title = {The influence of family dynamics on the well-being of adults and children}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-5968}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-59685}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {xii, 186}, abstract = {This cumulative dissertation examines how family dynamics—such as union dissolution, cohabitation, and repartnering—shape the well-being of adults and children in Germany and Colombia. It situates these family changes within broader social transformations across Europe and Latin America, emphasizing how socioeconomic inequality, gender norms, and cultural contexts influence diverse family structures. A distinctive contribution lies in integrating partnership quality and intimate partner violence (IPV) as key dimensions linking family dynamics to individual and child well-being. Drawing on both cross-sectional and longitudinal data, the dissertation presents five empirical analyses. The first study investigates how mothers' partnership status and experiences of physical IPV during pregnancy are related to infant health in Colombia. Using data from the Demographic and Health Surveys (DHS), it finds that cohabiting and separated mothers face higher IPV risks, highlighting IPV as a critical determinant of family and child outcomes. The second study examines women's economic independence and the risk of IPV during separation in Germany, using data from the German Family Panel (pairfam). Results show that employment and higher education reduce IPV risk, while women with minor children remain particularly vulnerable. The third study employs an intersectional approach to analyse divorce and mental health in Germany. Results show that women are more likely than men to receive a mental health diagnosis following divorce, especially at older ages, and that low income increases the likelihood of mental illness for both men and women. The fourth study explores how partnership quality and separation relate to parental mental health, showing that separation can relieve depression for those leaving low-quality partnerships but may exacerbate it for fathers exiting high-quality ones. The fifth study assesses how family structure and parental partnership quality affect children's socio-emotional well-being, finding that children in stepfamilies report greater difficulties, although higher parental esteem mitigates some negative effects. Together, these findings underscore the complex interplay between family structures, partnership quality, and well-being. The dissertation calls for policies that promote gender equality, prevent IPV, and support families through transitions to enhance both adult and child well-being.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Koranyi, author = {Koranyi, Kinga}, title = {The Power of the Weak: Strategic Framing and Selective Compliance in Asymmetric Redistributive Negotiations}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-5951}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-59514}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {viii, 113}, abstract = {This dissertation investigates how weaker actors navigate power asymmetries in political negotiations, challenging conventional expectations that material capabilities determine outcomes. Through three interconnected studies examining different contexts of asymmetric bargaining, I demonstrate how seemingly disadvantaged actors employ sophisticated strategies to secure outcomes that defy power-based predictions. The first paper reveals how fiscally weaker Canadian provinces enhanced their bargaining positions in redistribution negotiations through strategic framing, employing communitarian appeals and coercive tactics despite structural disadvantages. The second paper examines Hungary's selective compliance with unprecedented EU rule of law sanctions, demonstrating how the government conducted sophisticated cost-benefit analyses balancing economic impacts against political costs. The third paper uncovers Hungary's dual-level communication strategy toward EU sanctions, revealing stark contrasts between public rhetoric and private negotiation approaches. Together, these studies advance a more nuanced understanding of bargaining power that extends beyond material capabilities to encompass strategic dimensions. Weaker actors systematically enhance their positions through strategic framing, which shapes how negotiations are perceived across multiple audiences, and strategic cost calculations, which identify areas for selective engagement to maximize leverage while minimizing disadvantages. The findings reveal how seemingly disadvantaged actors transform structural weaknesses into bargaining advantages through sophisticated negotiation approaches.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Finnerty, author = {Finnerty, Joseph}, title = {Article 18 of the European Convention on Human Rights: A Conservative Contribution to Responding to Authoritarian Practices through International Human Rights Law}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-5909}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-59092}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {viii, 156}, abstract = {Combining dogmatic legal doctrinal and quasi-critical approaches, this dissertation investigates the role that Article 18 of the European Convention on Human Rights has played in the European Court of Human Rights' response to authoritarian practices across the Member States of the Council of Europe. Through its examination of 121 Article 18 judgments, the dissertation maintains that the provision has an important role to play in the Court's response to authoritarian practices. It employs a three-dimensional analytical framework to constructively critique the Article 18 case law in the context of autocratisation across three papers. This framework encompasses the following dimensions of the doctrine: (1) substantive interpretation of Article 18 by the Court (interpretation); (2) the evidentiary approach employed by the Court to determine the existence of ulterior authoritarian purposes under Article 18 (evidence and proof); and (3) the remedies that flow from the identification of ulterior authoritarian purposes under Article 18 (remedies). Each dimension of analysis enables the dissertation to delineate a limiting force, restricting the potential of Article 18 as an effective response mechanism to authoritarian practices. The dissertation further articulates normative recommendations to mitigate or remove these limitations and unlock the full potential of Article 18 in the context of autocratisation.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Hansum, author = {Hansum, Romy}, title = {Implementation of cohesion policy funds in the EU member states - who gets what, when and how?}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-5895}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-58950}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {x, 111}, abstract = {This cumulative dissertation investigates which driving forces shape the national distribution of EU cohesion policy funds. Despite the important role that distributive policies play in the EU's governance framework, drivers beyond administrative and government capacity have been neglected in previous EU implementation research. Consequently, this dissertation aims to contribute to a more detailed understanding of the national implementation phase of EU funds. Adopting a political science perspective, three concepts are tested for EU distributive policies that have so far been primarily applied to domestic funds, namely vote-buying strategies, policy continuity, and non-demand. The three separate analyses explore on the distribution of cohesion policy funds across regions, budgetary priorities, and beneficiaries. Cohesion policy funds are chosen as a relevant and appropriate case due to their important financial volume, their long-standing implementation in all member states, and their interesting variance in implementation during the Covid-19 pandemic. The dissertation draws on qualitative and quantitative methods, spanning from interviews conducted in one region to statistical analyses including all EU member states. The findings are threefold. First, the analysis shows that vote-buying strategies do not explain the allocation of cohesion policy funds across EU regions. Despite the extraordinary discretion of the national governments in the studied Covid-19 recovery programme REACT-EU, electorally opportune regions are not targeted with these cohesion policy funds. Second, policy continuity characterizes the budgetary choices of national governments during the implementation phase. Even though the national political and socioeconomic context changes, national governments largely adhere to past budgetary priorities. Third, a lack of applications from potential beneficiary organisations can be a challenge despite adequate administrative capacity. Non-demand mainly results from unawareness of the offers, a too high administrative burden, and a low need for additional funding. In brief, the findings indicate that even with adequate government and administrative capacities, inherent processes and third parties have a larger impact on the distribution of EU funds than deliberate political actions and strategies. The results of the dissertation provide avenues for future EU implementation research but are also of interest for reforms of the cohesion policy funds and the development of new EU distributive policies.}, language = {en} }