@misc{RossWest, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Ross, Nicholas and West, Jonathan}, title = {The Value Chain Approach to rural agricultural development. Understanding the principal determinants of pro-poor outcomes}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20493}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {102}, abstract = {This paper seeks to better understand the determinants of pro-poor outcomes in value chain projects. It is motivated by a desire to examine scepticism regarding the widespread use of value chain projects as poverty-alleviation tools. The thesis is guided by the following questions i.Can value chain approaches to rural development benefit the poor in a direct manner? ii.Under what circumstances can value chain approaches to rural development achieve the most substantive and significant pro-poor outcomes? In particular, the paper focuses on asset-poor agricultural producers (including farmers), which are referred to as poor producers for the sake of brevity. As such, pro-poor outcomes refer to beneficial outcomes for asset-poor agricultural producers. To address these two questions, the paper is divide d into three chapters. Chapter one explores the concept of the value chain. Through this it highlights an increasing emphasis on value chain projects among donor organisations, as well as a lack of thorough monitoring and evaluations of these projects. Chapter two develops an understanding of pro-poor outcomes in value chain projects. This understanding is developed in a three-stage process. First, a review of existing academic literature, donor documents, and independent evaluations of value chain projects is conducted (Section 2.1). The aim of the review is to develop an understanding of value chain participation, particularly the terms by which participation can occur. ii Second, the paper identifies ten key factors affecting the ability of poor producers to participate in and directly benefit from value chai ns (Section 2.2). They are: labour intensity; asset specificity; commodity differentiation; long-run price stability; perishability; time-horizon and frequency of benefits; vertical coordination; horizontal coordination; vertical integration by producers' associations; and lead firm. Third, the paper synthesises these findings into a testable analytical typology consisting of six key determinants of pro-poor outcomes. These are: labour intensity; specificity; resilience; perishability; income smoothing; and governance of linkages. This analytical typology is intended to serve as a conceptual frame work on which value chain selection, design, and implementation may be structured. The typology is presented in terms of the likelihood that value chains will achieve pro-poor outcomes (Section 2.3). This typology serves as the paper's principal output, and can be both applied to, and tested using future value chain projects. Chapter three applies the typology to an assortment of IFAD's on-going value chain projects. The aim of this section is to offer an ex ample of how the typology could be applied in practice (Section 3.2). This is done to guide future research on pro-poor outcomes in value chain interventions. Two projects are given particular attention. These two cases exemplify how the typology can be applied to value chain project designs to create falsifiable hypotheses on whether the projects will achieve pro-poor outcomes. The intention is that future projects will utilize similar hypotheses to test the typology's explanatory power (for a proposed methodology, see Appendix). In the conclusion, the paper offers recommendations for future research.}, language = {en} } @misc{Niemann, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Niemann, TIm}, title = {Food Prices and Speculation: Does speculation on the agricultural markets influence prices and volatilities?}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20480}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {74}, abstract = {Food prices in the last decade have seen both an increase in price levels and in price variability. In the same time period, speculative activity in the agricultural futures market has significantly increased. This thesis asks whether food price levels and volatilities are affected by speculation, and whether regulation can curb the potential effect. This thesis first investigates the welfare impacts of high and volatile prices. It does so because if the impact is limited, there would be a weak argument for introducing regulation. I find that producers benefit from high food prices, whereas consumers are hurt. Next to that, rural households gain relative to urban households. From a macroeconomic perspective, food importing countries have negative impacts on their balance of payments, inflation rates and fiscal breathing space. All these impacts are particularly pronounced in developing countries. This thesis finds that short -term volatilities can have long -term negative consequences for households. Moreover, food producers are less willing to invest in the agricultural system. On a macroeconomic level volatility increases uncertainty and reduces growth. The conclusion is that both high and volatile agricultural prices are welfare reducing. This thesis finds that there are fundamental supply and demand factors that have increased price levels and volatilities over the last decade. However, it also finds that there is a potential role for speculation in driving up agricultural prices. Speculation plays a more definitive role in increasing price volatilities. As high and volatile food prices are welfare reducing, and speculation has a role at least in one of these price developments, this thesis investigates policy options to limit the effect of speculation on food prices. It finds that a transaction tax and position limits are two regulatory options that are likely to curb the effects of speculation on food prices, while at the same time they do not create very large market distortions .}, language = {en} } @misc{Stamm, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Stamm, Julia}, title = {Towards New Horizons in EU Research Policy : The changing role of the Directorate - General for Research (and Innovation)}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20478}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {39}, abstract = {My EMPM Master thesis focuses on changing governance structures in European research policy and the role the European Commission is playing in this context. In particular, it aims at investigating whether we currently witness the transition of the European Commission's Directorate - General for Research (and Innovation) into a European research ministry. In order to lay the ground for finding answers to this question, I first introduce the history of Community activities in the area of research and discuss the development of power relations between the different European players in the area. The concept of "agencification" and its consequences for the work, status and self - perception of the European Commission is looked at in particular depth. In the following analytical chapter I argue that this paradigm shift is indeed taking place and that, among others elements, the new position of research as "shared competence" after the Lisbon Treaty, the relatively recent creation of two executive research agencies and strong leadership embodied in the person of the Commissioner for Research and Innovation have contributed decisively to the development. The thesis is based on the analysis of both relevant literature and theory as well as on semi - structured interviews that I carried out with relevant stakeholders in Brussels, both from the European institutions and from concerned institutions, organizations, and associations, hence providing a sound mix of theoretical approaches and practical reflections.}, language = {en} } @misc{Scheuermann, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Scheuermann, Ann-Kathrin}, title = {Barriers to Equity in Education: An Exploratory Case Study on Nepal}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20468}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {68}, abstract = {Education is widely believed to be a key to the development of individuals and society. However, it is also clear that core global political commitments aiming at universality as included in the Millenium Development Goals and the right to education can only be achieved if policy efforts start addressing systematically disadvantaged parts of society. This is the topic of the present paper on sociodemographic barriers to equity in education in Nepal. So far, many policy efforts to enhance educational opportunities are based on a one dimensional assessments of the most disadvantage population groups. They assume, for instance, that girls are generally more disadvantaged than boys or that people living in rural areas are more disadvantaged than those living in urban areas. In her paper, Ann-Kathrin Scheuermann goes further and explore s which combinations of sociodemographic attributes impede equity in education in Nepal in terms of access to education and attainment. She is able to use unique data, the Nepal Living Standards Survey 2010/11 compiled by the World Bank and the Nepalese Central Bureau of Statistics as well as qualitative participatory assessments in the field. She finds that the most influential attributes established in the literature - wealth, geography and gender - do matter, but that culture specific group characteristics are at least as relevant. Poverty remains a major barrier to equity in education. The effect of geography is two dimensional, impeding equity in both rural and urban areas, but for different reasons. In rural areas disadvantages are related to infrastructural aspects, e.g. distance to the nearest school, whereas in urban areas income generation alternatives impede educational opportunities. Gender differences have decreased with regard to access over time, but girls remain disadvantaged when it comes to higher attainment. When looking at inequity regarding geography, gender and wealth jointly, poor boys (not girls!) in urban are among the most disadvantaged. These finding s have great policy -¬- relevance. In order to reach the most marginalized population groups policy analysis must go beyond a one dimensional analysis of attributes but look at them in combination. Moreover, socio -¬- cultural barriers related to caste, religion and disability can be highly impeding factors which need to be addressed explicitly when designing policies in Nepal. More generally, policies can be tailored more effectively by identifying the most marginalized population groups in order to improve their educational opportunities and achieve universal political commitments and true equity in education.}, language = {en} } @misc{MuellerBadoreck, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {M{\"u}ller-Badoreck, Karin}, title = {Leadership in EU civilian crisis management}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20452}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {55}, abstract = {With the establishment of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) in 1999, the EU aimed to tackle challenges in the field of security by deploying various military, police, justice and rule of law missions in troubled crisis areas. The Lisbon Treaty put the instrument of CSDP Missions on a new height, putting it under the umbrella of the European External Action Service with the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs \& Security Policy / Vice -President of the European Commission as their highest representative. CSDP Missions - while dealing with civilian crisis management in conflict and post- conflict countries - are operating in a highly political environment with demands and direction coming from the EU Member States, the EU institution s, the Host Nations and other international actors. Common values and norms applying to CSDP Missions are underdeveloped and not well communicated. Mandates are often not clearly defined. The work force is mainly seconded by the Member States and highly di verse in respect to culture, professional background and experience and language. Women are strongly underrepresented. Even though leadership is crucial in such a challenging environment, it has never been addressed within the CSDP structures until very recently. This thesis analysis the complexities of CSDP Missions and demands put on leadership in such an environment. Furthermore, it defines best practices and closes with recommendations on how the leadership culture in CSDP Missions can be improved. Results are generated by using literature analysis, interviews with key stakeholders, online questionnaires and the authors own work experience in a CSDP Mission. For CSDP Missions to become even more successful a stronger emphasis on the development of leadership culture seems appropriate. Starting from creating a leadership development strategy, defining standard guidelines and principals for recruitment and promotion of personnel, addressing the problem of gender imbalance, importance should be also put on defining a favored leadership style and common values. Future leaders should be skilled and experienced in working in a highly politicised environment leading and empowering a multi-cultural, diverse work force. With an effective leadership culture CSDP Missions will succeed in being a strong EU actor in civilian crisis management and helping to foster security and maintain peace in the world.}, language = {en} } @misc{Loh, author = {Loh, Yuh Yiing}, title = {The Politics of Targeting Regime Choice: Has Inflation Targeting Met its Demise?}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20440}, pages = {31}, abstract = {Critics argue that inflation targeting (IT) has met its demise in face of the current financial crisis. As such , p rice - level targeting and nominal gross domestic product (GDP) targeting have been proposed as alternatives, but to date no country has made the switch - why is this so? Existing literature tends to treat the choice of targeting regime as a function of economic theory, empirical precedents, and policy execution constraints. I find this analytical framework insufficient; otherwise, we should observe at least some countries exiting IT regimes in light of the arguments made thus far. In order to explain why governments have yet to make the switch away from IT, I propose that a fourth determinant needs to be added to the framework - politics. Based on this framework, I conclude that IT has yet to meet its demise.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Kinski, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Kinski, Lucy}, title = {The European Debt Crisis and the Functional Logic of the Parliamentary System: A Case Study of the German Bundestag}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20515}, pages = {81}, abstract = {Over the last 20 years national parliaments have increasingly been the focus of the debate on the European Union's (EU) democratic deficit. They have lost core parliamentary competencies ("deparliamentarisation"), yet have simultaneously increased their formal information and participation rights in EU affairs. This paper focuses on the German Bundestag which is characterized by a wide gap between formal right-endowment and de facto right-employment. It argues that the most valid explanatory factor for this lies in the functional logic of the German parliamentary system: Within this so-called logic of 'New Dualism', the governing majority carries its government and has no incentive to discredit it publicly. It is furthermore argued that this system is hit by an external shock, namely the measures taken on the EU level to combat the debt crisis. It is hypothesized that the specific character of the debt crisis measures as the independent variable affects the functional logic of the parliamentary system as the dependent variable, potentially inducing a gradual drift from the prevailing logic of 'New Dualism' (government and its majority vs. the opposition) to 'Old Dualism' (parliament as a whole vs. the government). The empirical analysis focuses on the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF) and three levels: The system's level, i.e. the entire parliament, the individual-behavioural level, i.e. the behaviour of single parliamentarians, and the role-orientation level, i.e. the parliamentarians' mindset. The study is based on a document analysis as well as 17 semi-structured interviews with members of parliament, their staff, the Bundestag's administration and the executive. The findings indicate some 'holes' in the 'New Dualism' logic on the first two levels of analysis signaling towards 'Old Dualism'. At the same time, the interviewees are still very much caught up in the usual cleavage mindset, thus a shift in role-orientations cannot be seen, (yet). In addition to the external 'shock character' of the crisis, the interviewees do identify an internal stimulus, namely the voter pushing for a higher politicization of the topic, arguably moving it closer to the logic of 'normal domestic politics'. While democratically desirable, the longevity of these drifts remains to be seen.}, language = {en} } @misc{Kreibich, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Kreibich, Lisa-Marie}, title = {Improving Inter-Agency Collaboration in International Development Analysis of conditions under which to enter into, develop and sustain successful partnerships}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20431}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {64}, abstract = {Development aid is underperforming in terms of effectiveness due to donor diversification, proliferation and fragmentation. The re quest for more harmonized and collectively effective actions formulated in the High-Leve l Fora on aid effectiveness have gained sup- port across donor and recipient countries. However, commitment has not been successfully translated into significant changes on the ground. This gap between policy and country level practices needs to be addressed to make development assistance more effective. A first formal partnership of Deutsche Gesellschaft f{\"u}r Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ), Agence Fran{\c{c}}aise de D{\´e}veloppement (AFD) and Lux-Development (LuxDev) has been established in the sector of technical vocational education and training. To assess this partnership and to identify areas for improvement, the study addresses the following research question: Under which conditions do implementing agencies in international development cooperation enter into, develop and sustain inter-organizational collaboration? The dimensions of the collaboration process are at the center of the analysis. The study develops a theoretical framework that consists of criteria to assess collaboration efforts of the agencies in four selected countries nd identifies weaknesses in the structural, the agency, and the social capital dimension. Structural aspects include common visions, shares power arrangements and commitment of the recipient country. Shared personal opinions, alignment of procedures and information exchange helps reconciling individual and collective interests. The analysis of the social capital dimension shows that mutual interaction, reciprocity and trust-building are crucial to successfully build social relationships which form the basis of any collaboration process. A set of nine recommendations are proposed to address the shortcomings in each of the three dimensions of the collaboration process to improve the partnership of the three agencies. To address the structural blocking factors, the agencies should evaluate their collaboration efforts, create a coordinating body and speak to the recipient country's government with one voice. To manage the tension between individual and collective interests, regular discussions with everyone involved and knowledge about the tools, procedures and implementing mechanisms of the collaboration partners are crucial. To better meet the criteria of the social capital dimension, the agencies should appoint boundary-spanners and create opportunities to learn about their collaboration partners' culture.}, language = {en} } @misc{BirkJoasRinnertetal., author = {Birk, Florian and Joas, Amani and Rinnert, David and Schilling, John}, title = {Framing Service Quality : A Comprehensive Indicator for Measuring Service Quality in Public Administration : Case Study ofB{\"u}rger{\"a}mter in Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20506}, pages = {48}, abstract = {This paper introduces an indicator framework, which allows for a valid and reliable assessment of the service quality of customer-focused government services. While defining service quality is a difficult task, also operationalising and measuring such an elusive concept can never be done perfectly due to a number of problems. Given the 'soft' nature of service quality, most prior research has focused on survey-based methods, which while being essential have serious flaws owed to this method's inherent lack of reliability. Following suggestions by prior research in the field, this paper develops an assessment framework combining a 'soft' indicator based on a SERVQUAL survey with a set of 'hard' variables adding the reliability, which previous approaches lack. The indicator was initially developed, tested and re-adjusted for measuring service quality in Berlin's 40 B{\"u}rger{\"a}mter. However, it can be adapted in a way that it is applicable to most customer-based government services. The 'soft' part of this indicator was developed on the lines of five dimensions, scoring services according to their tangibles, reliability, responsiveness, assurance and empathy. On the 'hard' dimension, we have picked a set of eleven variables, which unequivocally add/subtract from service quality, while having the advantage of being measured in a straightforward manner. While the operationalisation and weighting of these variables is open to academic and professional debate, we are confident to have followed a transparent and clearly comprehensible process. We acknowledge, however, that these variables will have to be adjusted when other services are being measured. All in all, the developed Service Quality Indicator for Customer-Based Public Services (SQI) should be regarded as a starting point for a comprehensive and easily constructible framework to assess service quality in the good governance arena. We hope that this indicator framework will be perfected to the point that it can contribute to a better overall measurement and therefore improvement of government services.}, language = {en} } @misc{Santikarn, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Santikarn, Marissa}, title = {Is it feasible to link the European Union emissions trading system with the Californian cap-and-trade programme?}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-12678}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {66}, abstract = {This paper examines the technical, legal and political feasibility of linking the European Union emissions trading system (EU ETS) with the Californian cap-and-trade programme (CAT). The technical feasibility of linking refers to the alignment of four key design features in the EU ETS and the CAT: (i) offset credits; (ii) price adjustment mechanisms (PAM); (iii) complementary climate and energy policies and (iv) monitoring, reporting and verification (MRV). Unless Europe and California can align their polar positions regarding land use, clearance and forestry (LULUCF) offsets and price floors, linking appears unlikely. There is also the question of how California's Allowance Price Containment Reserve (APCR) and the EU's proposed Market Stability Reserve (MSR) would function together in a linked scheme. Aligning the complementary climate and energy policies and MRV systems is less problematic, as harmonisation is not necessary. Regarding legal feasibility, it is unclear whether California, as a sub-national state, has the authority to negotiate and enter into a linked scheme with the EU. Politically, California may be reluctant to link with the EU, as this will lower both its allowance price and fiscal revenue. Furthermore, it could decrease the level of domestic investment and abatement. Assuaging California's concerns rests heavily on the extent to which the proposed structural reforms to the EU ETS boost the allowance price. In the case of linking the EU ETS and the CAT, domestic policy objectives are more important than the cost-efficiency gains of linking. As such, establishing a partial link may be more feasible.}, language = {en} } @misc{Hoffmann, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Hoffmann, Anna}, title = {The EU's Extraterritorial Asylum Policies \& Human Rights Obligations : Prospects, Limits and the Role of the European Courts}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20361}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {53}, abstract = {This paper presents an analysis of the underlying policy and legal mechanisms contributing to the deaths of migrants attempting to reach the EU by crossing the Mediterranean. It is structured into three sections, outlining, firstly, the deficits of the current Common European Asylum System, especially its extraterritorial dimension. It is argued that the reasons for the shortcomings of the current system are linked to the traditional state-centred paradigm still pre-dominant in EU law and policy. Secondly, human rights are presented as the conceptually adequate instrument to fill these gaps and to extend effective protection of migrants' human rights beyond the shores of Europe. The European Convention of Human Rights is singled out as the most promising system for doing so. Thirdly, analysing the role of the two major European Courts in extending human rights protection extraterritorially, it further outlines the prospects and limits of such an approach. The importance of the Courts in clarifying and also extending the reach of human rights protection is demonstrated and the paper concludes with an outlook on future challenges facing the two Courts and the human rights system within the European region.}, language = {de} } @misc{Reimbold, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Reimbold, Haley}, title = {Welfare State Regimes \& Youth Incarceration : A Comparison of Germany, Sweden, and the United States}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20371}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {18}, abstract = {Despite international consensus among researchers that incarcerating youth is an ineffective and inefficient response to crime, this practice persists—to widely varying degrees—in every country. What are the differences in youth incarceration in disparate welfare state regimes? To answer this question, this paper develops a youth incarceration typology by comparing three cases: that of Sweden, Germany, and the United States. The first multi-¬-dimensional typology specific to youth incarceration, this tool encompasses four key domains central to the type of system operated in a nation. These include the purpose and extent of incarceration use, compliance with international human rights, and privatization receptiveness. A fifth domain, disproportionate minority incarceration, was considered but results indicate the need for further research on this issue. Three youth incarceration types, aligned with welfare state regimes, are developed from a mixed methods research design comparing the countries of interest. With juvenile justice systems situated within justice departments and a central aim of punishment, liberal regimes, such as the United States, demonstrate low compliance with human rights, and the highest rates of prison privatization. Conservative regimes, based on data from Germany, exhibit a central goal of rehabilitation, low privatization receptiveness, and ratification of human rights resolutions. Social democratic regimes, such as Sweden, have a youth rights centered system, with no privatization and full adoption of human rights resolutions. When accounting for diversity in each country's population, Sweden was found to have the highest levels of disproportionate minority incarceration and the United States the lowest, with Germany between the two. Regarding this domain, further research is required to determine if this finding is characteristic of social democratic and liberal nations. After comparing the countries of interest, the relationship between welfare state regime types and juvenile justice systems is examined. This paper concludes with recommendations for the research, policy, and practitioner communities to advance analysis and reforms to improve the effectiveness and efficiency of juvenile justice systems internationally.}, language = {en} } @misc{Collins, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Collins, Georgina}, title = {Governing through crime in the Northern Territory: Are criminal justice system changes contributing to rising Indigenous imprisonment?}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20384}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {51}, abstract = {Almost 25 years on from the landmark Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody Indigenous imprisonment in Australia continues to rise at an alarming rate, leading to further over representation in the criminal justice system. A number of academics have applied the theory of 'governing through crime' in the context of Indigenous imprisonment to argue that the strategic use of crime has led to a targeting of Indigenous offenders in an increasingly punitive and risk based system. If correct this would imply a disconnection between rising imprisonment and actual levels of crime and safety in the community — a finding which could have significant policy implication s. However, evidence to support this claim is currently limited, a gap which this thesis seeks to address through a case study of the Northern Territory. Inquiry is conducted at two levels: firstly by asking what criminal justice law and policy changes could have contributed to rising Indigenous imprisonment and secondly by asking why these changes could have disproportionately impacted Indigenous persons. A mixed methods approach is used, combining a review of academic literature, a review of legislation and policy and analysis of quantitative data sources. Long term crime rates have been trending downwards for most offence categories in the Northern Territory in recent years. Comparison of these trends to the prison population supports the contention that increased imprisonment cannot be adequately explained by increased offending and broader system changes may be playing an important role. The past decade has been one of rapid changes to legislation and policy governing various aspects of the criminal justice system. Significant changes which have potentially impacted on Indigenous imprisonment were enacted in the areas of sentencing, bail, non - custodial sentencing options, alcohol regulation, domestic violence, parole and police powers. From analysis of these changes a number of key trends emerge that support the governing through crime hypothesis. These are: a heightened focus on protection of the community through the use of broad categories of risk; placement of seriousness of the crime as the iii central consideration in decision making to the exclusion of individual offender circumstances; intensified surveillance and enforcement; and encroachment of the criminal justice system into areas traditionally the domain of social policy. Analysis of available data, as well consideration of the contextual circumstances in which these changes apply, suggest s a heavy imp act of many of the changes on the Indigenous population. A typical explanation for this heavy impact relies on high levels of offending among the Indigenous population and a tendency for many of the types of crimes and offenders targeted by changes to correlate with Indigeneity. However, adding another layer to this explanation by looking at the historical context for Indigenous disadvantage and the political context in which law and policy changes are made suggests that this explanation is overly simplistic. By examining these contextual factors it is argued that heavy impacts on Indigenous persons are not merely an unfortunate co incidence but at least in part product of a political process that views crime through a radicalized lens and targets Indigenous persons accordingly. This concerning as it implies that policy makers are being driven by popular fears and conceptions of crime and race rather than rational evidence. As a result many of the changes implemented are directly contrary to a growing evidence base as to what works in both reducing Indigenous d is advantage and reducing crime. Overall support is found for the hypothesis that an increasingly punitive criminal justice system and a shift towards governing through crime is contributing to rising Indigenous imprisonment in the Northern Territory. This finding is qualified by an acknowledgement that this is not a comprehensive explanation and a range of complex factors are at play in Indigenous over representation. Nevertheless, it does highlight the importance of criminal justice law and policy settings in Indigenous over representation and point towards a nee d for structural changes which place impacts on Indigenous persons at the center of the decision making process. Approaches such as racial impact statements are promising in this regard and deserving of further research.}, language = {en} } @misc{PaschoalWerneckGuillot, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Paschoal, Bruno and Werneck, Caio and Guillot, Javier}, title = {Fostering sustainability in Brazilian agrarian reform : insights from assentamentos and ecovillages}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20399}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {85}, abstract = {We conducted a constructivist qualitative research project, designed as an instrumental collective case study, in order to discover potential ways to foster sustainability in agrarian - reform settlements (assentamentos) in Brazil. We visited twelve communities — six assentamentos and six ecovillages — in May October 2014 and gathered data through interviews, observations and documents produced by other sources. Inspired by the so - called "Gioia Method" and grounded theory, we followed a research strategy characterized by a constant process of interaction with the data, involving the use of qualitative data analysis (QDA) software. In the process, one broad research question — 'how can sustainability in assentamentos be fostered?' — was broken down into two:' which are salient challenges to fostering sustainability in assentamentos?' and ' which insights for addressing those challenges may be obtained from existing assentamentos and ecovillages?' . The synthesized results were three clusters of challenges — moving towards sustainable production, building infrastructure for sustainability and creating attractive conditions for the youth; two elements for the design of potential solutions — improving access, use and dissemination of sustainability know - how and enabling cooperative collective dynamics; and four insights that can serve as input in the design of policies and governance arrangements to foster sustainability in agrarian reform: (i) the power of example can be an effective means for the transition to more sustainable pract ices; (ii) building a common vision among assentados can support the maintenance of cooperative collective dynamics; (iii) more room for experimentation can strengthen sustainability know - how; and (iv) collective initiatives can prevent isolation in rural communities by acting as touchpoints with the external world and bringing exchange opportunities for assentados.}, language = {en} } @techreport{AlmeidaAzevedoAzzaouietal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Almeida, Karin and Azevedo, Simone and Azzaoui, Nora and Bianchis, Jeymar and Boos, Inga-Lena and Carlucci, Janetta and Klein, Viviana and Kohut, Ola and Kowalski, Julia and Kuhn, Jonas and Leitsch, Christoph and Olenga-Tete, Paulina and Ross, Patrick and Tiefenbach, Catherin and Watkinson, Jay and Wodarg, Frithjof}, title = {CSR Instruments: A Systematic Overview Evaluation for the German CSR Forum and Bertelsmann Foundation}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20418}, pages = {33}, abstract = {This study was conceived in the context of a project course on CSR instruments and modelled on a real case. The German Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs (BMAS) had tendered a report that would provide an overview of the existing classification tools used to evaluate CSR performance. The report is part of the National Strategy on Corporate Social Responsibility, the CSR action plan of the German government. The Federal Ministry of Labour and Social Affairs is the lead ministry responsible for implementing the National Strategy for Corporate Social Responsibility. The Action Plan for CSR was decided by the federal cabinet on October 6th, 2010. According to the Action Plan, CSR measures include a company's contributions to voluntarily participate and include social responsibility into their business plan. The inclusion of a company's key stakeholders is an integral part of CSR. The goal was not only to provide an overview of the principle and international agreements but also to classify existing instruments from different stakeholders' perspectives. For this, students analysed 58 CSR instruments for which they developed a diverse set of evaluation criteria. Moreover, they tested their assumptions about key stakeholders' interests in a small workshop interviewing representatives of trade unions, chambers of commerce, consumer groups as well NGOs. The result is a very impressive piece of work as it presents new insight in a largely under-researched field. The report was presented to the working group on evaluation of the federal CSR forum in Berlin on June 6th, 2012 where it received a lot of praise by the participants. I hope it will be used in the professional world.}, language = {en} } @misc{AlfinitoVieira, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Alfinito Vieira, Ana Carolina}, title = {Global forests, local development? An Assessment of REDD Readiness in Latin America}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-20420}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {71}, abstract = {Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD) is often portrayed as a policy that will mitigate climate change whilst fostering social and environmental improvements in the most isolated and under-developed regions of the world. Our work sets out to assess this cl aim by evaluating whether REDD is effectively designed as an instrument that is suitable for generating local development in forest regions. After revealing the underlying governance rationale through which REDD is expected to generate positive outcomes on the global and local levels, we develop a framework to assess whether the REDD strategies developed through the FCPF and the UN-REDD Readiness initiatives are putting in place the policy environment that is necessary for REDD to function as a development mechanism. Through the comparative analysis of six national Readiness strategies from the Latin American region, we reveal that policies designed under Readiness systematically pay more attention to the development of baseline emissions scenarios and MRV systems than to the establishment of the policy conditions that must be in place for REDD to generate local development. Our analysis suggests that a number of policy design elements might be resulting in the failure of national REDD strategies to address underlying governance problems. The phased approach to Readiness creates incentives for governments to rush through the institutional reform stages, and REDD's current design only rewards quantifiable GHG emissions reductions, providing few incentives for countries to invest in social and environmental improvements. Furthermore, the reliance on carbon market finance and the operational structure of the FCPF may also result in overinvestments in MRV systems to the detriment of more complex institutional reforms. We conclude by presenting a set of recommendations for reforming the underlying governance logic of REDD in order to enhance its potential as a local development mechanism.}, language = {en} } @misc{Gilroy, type = {Master Thesis}, author = {Gilroy, Patrick}, title = {Have think tanks in Washington D.C. become politicized?}, publisher = {Hertie School of Governance}, address = {Berlin}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-10641}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {53}, abstract = {The paper addresses the following research question: Have think tanks in Washington D.C. become politicized from 1910 to 2010, and if so why? "Politicization" is made empirically tangible with a new primary database of all D.C. think tanks existent over the last century. Public policy-oriented research and advocacy organizations are studied from an explicitly evolutionary approach for the first time. It is found that while think tanks steadily accumulated until the early 1970s, their numbers increased fivefold from the late 1970s onwards. D.C. think tanks have, in fact, become significantly politicized over time: ideological advocacy think tanks (embracing broadly "conservative" or "liberal" worldviews) came to outnumber organizationally objective ("centrist or not identifiably ideological") academic or contract research think tanks. Most of today's advocacy think tanks embrace identifiably conservative ideologies. Based on chronological process tracing, it is shown that changes in the non-profit resource and tax environment, a relatively weak party system and frequent partisan polarization are important explanatory factors behind the politicization phenomenon. Far from living up to their constructive potential, it is argued, the capital city's think tanks now frequently hysterize rather than scrutinize policymaking, applying politico-ideological principles of economic interventionism and social justice or, far more often, free markets, limited government and individual liberties to all things public policy. Main scholarly and practical implications of think tanks' politicization are sounded out. (Hertie Student Paper Series is an online publication series of Hertie School of Governance)}, language = {en} }