@techreport{Quaritsch, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Quaritsch, Luise}, title = {A new European Democracy Agenda - The Commission's security focus and what it misses}, pages = {12}, abstract = {Ursula von der Leyen's political guidelines cite security, prosperity, and democracy as overarching priorities for the next five years. This emphasis appears appropriate, considering that the quality of democracy has been declining significantly across Europe in the past decade. But while democracy is named as a priority, von der Leyen's proposed action in this area for the next legislative period is limited: democracy is framed mostly as a security issue, with threats stemming from hostile foreign actors in the online information space. This approach risks disproportionately occupying attention that leave other, internal threats to democracy in the EU unaddressed or deprioritised. This paper proposes four areas for action over the next legislative period to more effectively and comprehensively address the risks that European democracy currently faces. First, the Commission should re-evaluate its current legislative agenda for fostering democracy. Second, it should support civil society organisations, human rights defenders and independent journalists, including through funding. Third, it should make use of the available financial tools to protect the EU budget. Fourth, it should contribute to devising and protecting minimum standards for democracy.}, language = {en} } @techreport{LeichthammerFabry, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Leichthammer, Arthur and Fabry, Elvire}, title = {The EU's Art of the Deal: Shaping a unified response to Trump's tariff threats}, pages = {9}, abstract = {Donald Trump's re-election as US president presents the European Union with significant economic and political challenges. The prospect of unilateral and aggressive US trade policies risks undermining the EU's collective economic interests and fragmenting its unity. However, the EU is better prepared to navigate these challenges than during Trump's first term. This policy brief explores the economic vulnerabilities the EU is exposed to by Trump's foreign economic policy and investigates the expanded tools at the EU's disposal to fend off this threat. Through a mix of deterrence strategies and targeted incentives such as increased energy and defence procurement, the EU can bolster its negotiating position, which strength will fundamentally rest on its unity. Moreover, the brief advocates for structural diversification of trade relationships to safeguard its long-term economic resilience.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Leichthammer, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Leichthammer, Arthur}, title = {Welcoming Chinese FDI with open arms - and a clenched fist}, pages = {9}, abstract = {Despite imposing substantial anti-subsidy tariffs on Chinese EVs, the EU has wisely kept the door open for Chinese foreign direct investment (FDI) across the EV value chain. Chinese FDI can enhance EU competitiveness by introducing high-value jobs, technological transfers, and innovation. However, these economic benefits are not given. If gone unchecked, FDI could be used to circumvent tariffs without bringing added economic value, could undermine fair competition within the Single Market and bring security risk. A robust framework is needed to mitigate these risks. Three priorities stand out: ensuring that value is created within the Union and key components are produced locally, applying the Foreign Subsidies Regulation (FSR) to safeguard fair competition, and harmonising security standards to manage risks more effectively.}, language = {en} } @techreport{DawsonAkbik, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Dawson, Mark and Akbik, Adina}, title = {The role of the European Council in the EU constitutional structure: Study requested by the AFCO Committee}, publisher = {European Union}, pages = {44}, abstract = {This study was commissioned by the European Parliament's Policy Department for Citizens' Rights and Constitutional Affairs at the request of the AFCO Committee. It examines the evolving role of the European Council in the EU's constitutional structure. As the study demonstrates, the increasing tendency of the European Council to instruct other EU institutions and its limited accountability have established an increasing gap between its de jure role under the EU Treaties and its de facto power in the larger system of EU governance.}, language = {en} } @article{DawsonBobić, author = {Dawson, Mark and Bobić, Ana}, title = {Unpacking Legal Accountability: The Case of the European Central Bank}, series = {Politics and Governance}, volume = {13}, journal = {Politics and Governance}, doi = {https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.8907}, abstract = {Although the term "legal accountability" increasingly appears in scholarly discourse surrounding the European Central Bank (ECB), it is under-theorised. This article explores three different dimensions of legal accountability, which are often confused. Accountability to law refers to accountability to legal rules and standards. Accountability through law refers to achieving routes of administrative and political accountability through legal institutions. Accountability of law implies the accountability of legal institutions themselves to the wider public (and other courts) for their decisions. We argue that these dimensions are deeply connected in the sense that either improvements or failures along one dimension are easily carried to the others. We demonstrate the argument by applying our concept of legal accountability to ECB activity, comparing judicial review in the context of monetary policy with the Single Supervisory Mechanism. These cases suggest a possible vicious rather than virtuous circle of legal accountability, i.e., a tendency for either unclear legal standards or lack of accountability of courts themselves to undermine accountability for ECB activity as a whole.}, language = {en} } @article{Dawson, author = {Dawson, Mark}, title = {The Changing Substance of European Law}, series = {European Constitutional Law Review}, volume = {20}, journal = {European Constitutional Law Review}, number = {3}, doi = {10.1017/S1574019624000233}, pages = {451 -- 481}, abstract = {Intrinsic relation between form and substance in law and between the institutional law of the EU and its substantive goals - idea and criteria for a 'substantive core' to the legal order - the internal market as early EU law's substantive core - the EU's changing policy substance and the subsequent 'de-coring' of the legal order - the consequences of de-coring and its impact on EU law's relevance and legitimacy - early attempts to reconcile EU law with the changing substance of EU policy.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Jaeger, type = {Working Paper}, author = {J{\"a}ger, Philipp}, title = {Utilising national subsidies for EU industrial policy}, pages = {10}, abstract = {Achieving the EU's industrial policy objectives requires large-scale public financial support. Since EU-level funds are scarce at least in the short term, national state aid must be relied on to fill the gap. However, national state aid is currently not coherently directed at EU priorities, nor are the selection and disbursement mechanisms harmonised across member states, resulting in an ineffective and inefficient policy landscape. This policy brief analyses the instruments the EU already has at its disposal to better align national state aid, and recommends new tools for addressing the gaps identified.}, language = {en} } @article{Hansum, author = {Hansum, Romy}, title = {'Why organizations leave money on the table: explaining non-demand for EU funds'}, series = {Regional \& Federal Studies}, journal = {Regional \& Federal Studies}, issn = {1359-7566}, doi = {10.1080/13597566.2025.2485052}, pages = {1 -- 27}, abstract = {The effectiveness of EU funds depends on their full and proper absorption, yet even regions with high administrative capacities face difficulties in the use of funds. This calls for more attention to a puzzling aspect: numerous potentially eligible organizations do not apply for EU funds. Unlike most previous studies, this analysis examines non-demand and a region with high administrative capacities. The first broad empirically grounded analytical framework of non-demand for EU cohesion funds is developed based on in-depth interviews with actual and potential beneficiaries and experts. It shows the main drivers for non-demand: unawareness of the offer, high administrative burden, and low perceived need for additional funding. Moreover, organization type and size are important moderators. Non-demand also causes adjustments in the supply of funds. These findings suggest that future EU implementation research should expand its focus to examine (non-)demand, as well as its dynamic interplay with the administration.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Nguyen, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Nguyen, Thu}, title = {What the EU should do about Viktor Orb{\´a}n}, pages = {3}, abstract = {The European Council summit on March 20 ended, like the one two weeks earlier, with two conclusions: one adopted by all 27 member states and another on Ukraine, approved by 26 leaders without Hungary to bypass Viktor Orb{\´a}n's veto. While in this case only with symbolic consequences, the pro-Russian, authoritarian-leaning government in Budapest regularly undermines the EU's ability to act. This is not a new problem. But in a radically changed global landscape, the EU must finally address it. It should do so in three steps: withholding EU funds, politically isolating Hungary, and suspending its voting rights.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Quaritsch, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Quaritsch, Luise}, title = {Free speech and fair rules - How the EU can protect the integrity of democratic discourse online}, pages = {8}, abstract = {Elon Musk has used his platform X as a megaphone to promote the far-right party AfD in German elections, spread disinformation across Europe and fuel riots in the UK. While other online platforms might not seem to have a similarly blatant political agenda, reports about Russian interference campaigns and non-transparent amplifications of certain political actors on social media persist. This is a problem for free and fair political competition and for democratic discourse in Europe. The principles of fairness and equal opportunity require that political actors are free to make their voices heard on a level playing field. On online platforms, an increasingly important arena for democratic discourse, that fairness appears to depend mainly on the goodwill of a few American tech oligarchs. But the EU is not powerless in the face of this. This policy brief explores what threats online platforms like X pose for public discourse in Europe and what the EU can do to mitigate them.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Leichthammer, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Leichthammer, Arthur}, title = {Navigating the Geoeconomic Tide: The Commission's quest for a policy compass}, pages = {10}, abstract = {In 2019, Ursula von der Leyen promised a geopolitical Commission. Back then, the proclamation was largely derided as empty rhetoric. However, in recent years, a dizzying number of geoeconomic initiatives have come from Brussels, revising and tweaking existing tools and measures, developing new instruments, and announcing a grand new European Economic Security Strategy. This policy brief examines the progress made and outlines the key challenges for the next Commission. While the current Commission expanded the EU's geoeconomic toolbox, the incoming Commission must prioritise harmonisation to prevent fragmentation, allocate substantial funds to enhance resilience, and streamline institutional processes to facilitate coherent policymaking at a European level.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Quaritsch, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Quaritsch, Luise}, title = {Kein EU-Geld f{\"u}r Th{\"u}ringen? - Die Anwendbarkeit von EU-Rechtsstaatlichkeitsmechanismen auf Regionen}, pages = {8}, abstract = {Am 1. September ist Landtagswahl in Th{\"u}ringen. Dort k{\"o}nnte die rechtsextreme AfD mit deutlichem Vorsprung st{\"a}rkste Kraft werden. Deshalb wird jetzt diskutiert, wie man Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit auf Landesebene vor autorit{\"a}ren Kr{\"a}ften sch{\"u}tzen kann. Auch die EU k{\"o}nnte hier eine Rolle spielen. Bisher hat die Kommission haupts{\"a}chlich auf Angriffe auf demokratische Institutionen auf nationaler Ebene reagiert. Aber auch regionale Regierungen m{\"u}ssen sich an die Grundwerte der EU halten. In einem f{\"o}deralen System wie Deutschland spielen die Bundesl{\"a}nder außerdem eine wichtige Rolle bei der Umsetzung von Europarecht und verwalten EU-F{\"o}rdergelder in Milliardenh{\"o}he. Die Analyse zeigt am Beispiel von Th{\"u}ringen, dass die meisten Rechtsstaatlichkeitsinstrumente der EU auch auf regionaler Ebene angewandt werden k{\"o}nnten. Dabei w{\"a}re das Zur{\"u}ckhalten von EU-F{\"o}rdergeldern das effektivste Mittel.}, language = {de} } @techreport{Heimbach, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Heimbach, Henriette}, title = {A Watchdog on the Leash - 5 Years of Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly}, pages = {8}, abstract = {In March 2024, the Franco-German Parliamentary Assembly (FGPA) celebrated its fifth anniversary. This binational forum can be viewed as a genuine step towards integration in Franco-German relations besides the Aachen Treaty. The FGPA is designed to be a watchdog over the Franco-German treaties and to bring together political actors of both countries to discuss and resolve conflictual issues and contribute to European initiatives. After five years of its being, the results are mixed. Franco-German governmental relations are more conflictual than ever. While the FGPA proved added value during the Covid-19 pandemic by convincing the French and German interior ministers to lift border controls, it has been notably reticent on the Ukraine war and other foreign policy conflicts. The FGPA would benefit by being bolder and extricating itself step-by-step from national political constraints. In this way, parliamentary dialogue can help the two key partners to find common ground on a range of European issues.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Kohlenberger, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Kohlenberger, Judith}, title = {Asylpolitischer Unterbietungswettbewerb ohne Gewinner: Warum es europ{\"a}ische L{\"o}sungen braucht}, pages = {10}, abstract = {Der Policy Brief thematisiert die Herausforderungen und Defizite der aktuellen europ{\"a}ischen Migrationspolitik, insbesondere den „Wettbewerb nach unten" der Mitgliedstaaten, vor dem Hintergrund einer sich versch{\"a}rfenden Migrationsdebatte in Deutschland. Immer mehr EU-Mitgliedsstaaten ergreifen restriktivere Maßnahmen, von Auslagerungsabkommen {\"u}ber Binnengrenzkontrollen bis hin zur Aussetzung des Asylrechts, was zu einer immer ungleicheren Verteilung des Migrationsdrucks in Europa f{\"u}hrt. Nationale Alleing{\"a}nge und populistische Rhetorik untergraben die Solidarit{\"a}t innerhalb der EU und f{\"u}hren zu einer Aush{\"o}hlung unionsrechtlicher Prinzipien. Dabei sind viele dieser Maßnahmen symbolischer Natur und verfehlen ihre intendierte Wirkung. Zielf{\"u}hrender w{\"a}re das Hinarbeiten auf eine gemeinsame europ{\"a}ische L{\"o}sung, die faire Asylverfahren und menschenw{\"u}rdige Unterbringung in allen Mitgliedsstaaten sicherstellt. Deutschland k{\"o}nnte hierbei eine Vorbildfunktion einnehmen, insbesondere durch die Umsetzung der j{\"u}ngst beschlossenen Reform des Gemeinsamen Europ{\"a}ischen Asylsystems (GEAS) und eine st{\"a}rkere Einbindung von EU-Institutionen zur {\"U}berwachung und Durchsetzung der Asylstandards.}, language = {de} } @techreport{Mack, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Mack, Sebastian}, title = {Europe ventures forward: Getting the scaleup of cleantech right}, pages = {16}, abstract = {Public interventions that help European startups to scale up their businesses have so far focused mainly on establishing a functioning market for venture capital (VC) and making it attractive to private investors. However, VC funding in Europe remains a fraction of what is required, still relies heavily on the public purse and fails to channel resources into strategic green sectors. Changing this requires three measures. First, the EU should enable institutional investors to invest independently in VC. Second, the European Investment Fund should strengthen the sustainability impact of its support for VCs. And third, the European Investment Bank should expand its direct investments in cleantech scaleups that are too risky for private investors.}, language = {en} } @techreport{OstaninaTardy, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Ostanina, Sascha and Tardy, Thierry}, title = {Turbo-charging the EU's defence industry and security posture}, pages = {16}, abstract = {The first-ever European Defence Industrial Strategy and its financial leg, the European Defence Industrial Programme, saw the light of day in March 2024. The strategy seeks to ameliorate deficiencies in EU defence readiness identified in light of the Russo-Ukrainian war. It offers an ambitious agenda and tailor-made incentives designed to encourage EU member states to invest more, better, together, and European. The Jacques Delors Institute's Associate Research Fellow Thierry Tardy and the Jacques Delors Centre's Security Policy Fellow Sascha Ostanina argue that the strategy is a good start to motivate European countries for more action in the defence sector. However, as long as the EU fails to take on a larger defence mandate via treaty change, the strategy success will hinge upon whether the member states, and their respective industrial defence sectors, will be willing to step up to the plate.}, language = {en} } @techreport{KarpensteinNguyenSpieker, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Karpenstein, Ulrich and Nguyen, Thu and Spieker, Luke Dimitrios}, title = {A Matter of Solidarity: A New Approach to Revive Article 7 TEU Against Hungary}, pages = {13}, abstract = {Viktor Orbán increasingly undermines the EU's collective interests. The Hungarian government systematically uses its veto powers to block Ukrainian military aid and accession negotiations and to dilute sanctions against Russia. An Article 7 TEU procedure launched against Hungary based on breaches of the rule of law has proven to be a dead end. Given the existential geopolitical threats the EU is facing, and the urgency with which it needs to support Ukraine, the time is nigh for a new approach. In this joint policy brief, Ulrich Karpenstein, Thu Nguyen, and Luke Dimitrios Spieker argue that rather than focusing on democracy, the rule of law, and human rights, which runs a high risk of being opposed by certain Member States, a new Article 7 TEU procedure should be initiated against Hungary based on a breach of solidarity in the Common Foreign and Security Policy.}, language = {en} } @techreport{NguyenJansen, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Nguyen, Thu and Jansen, Jannik}, title = {If Europe keeps placating its own far right, how can it possibly stand up to Trump?}, pages = {4}, abstract = {European leaders have been pulled to the right on migration, the climate crisis and Israel. Their weakness is undermining the democratic principles on which the EU was built.}, language = {en} } @techreport{TordoirRedekerGuttenberg, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Tordoir, Sander and Redeker, Nils and Guttenberg, Lucas}, title = {How buy-European rules can help save Europe's car industry}, publisher = {Bertelsmann Stiftung}, address = {G{\"u}tersloh}, pages = {18}, abstract = {Europe's car industry faces a perfect storm. Chinese car exports are surging, European producers are being squeezed out of global markets, US tariffs are rising, and domestic demand remains 20\% below pre-pandemic levels. Instead of sliding into a costly muddle of regulatory rollbacks, bailouts, and fragmented national subsidies, the EU should harness its single market - 450 million consumers and a vast corporate sector - to drive demand for Europe-made vehicles. That means co-ordinating consumer subsidies with a buy-European clause, applying it to both private and corporate fleets, and using it as a platform for reciprocal EV-subsidy agreements with trusted trade partners. A window for action is open: Germany, France, Italy, and Spain all need to renew their EV-support schemes in the coming months. Together, they represent 70\% of EU car registrations—and could launch broader European coordination.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Mack, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Mack, Sebastian}, title = {Get your act together - The EU must push ahead with banking union to boost confidence in its banking system}, abstract = {EU banks have so far weathered the storm caused by the pandemic, the war in Ukraine and sharp interest rate hikes. However, the failure of Credit Suisse and three US tech banks underlines how quickly investor and creditor trust can erode, prompting regulators to intervene and governments to provide public support. While swift and decisive action in the US and Switzerland prevented a systemic bank crisis, the EU will struggle to preserve financial stability if things go badly wrong. To boost confidence in its banking system, it is therefore high time for the EU to push ahead with banking union. To get its act together, the EU should 1) improve banks' resilience by adopting strict prudential regulation instead of creating new vulnerabilities, 2) make the crisis management framework more credible to ensure that banks can fail without using taxpayers' money, and 3) put in place European backstops to bank resolution and deposit insurance to withstand a systemic crisis.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Jaeger, type = {Working Paper}, author = {J{\"a}ger, Philipp}, title = {Cautionary tale or model for Europe? How member states should react to Germany's new electricity subsidy}, pages = {14}, abstract = {The EU's updated state-aid rules now permit direct industrial electricity subsidies (IESs), allowing Germany to introduce its planned 'Industriestrompreis'. This policy brief presents new data on subsidies for industry in major EU member states, showing that the competitiveness threat of the planned German IES is limited. As industrial policy tools, however, IESs are argued to be blunt and fiscally expensive, compared to narrower instruments targeted either at decarbonisation, EU resilience or economic objectives. Other member states should hence refrain from simply copying the German IES. Ultimately, national subsidies like an IES can only help industry if swift and substantial progress is made towards a more durable policy framework characterised by a strong EU dimension.}, language = {en} }