@misc{MungiuPippidiBozziniFazekasetal., author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Bozzini, Alessandro and Fazekas, Mih{\´a}ly and Gutierr{\´e}z Chvalkovsk{\´a}, Jana and Khatib, Lina and King, Lawrence Peter and Skuhrovec, Jiř{\´i} and Stefanov, Ruslan and Stoyanov, Alexander and J{\´a}nos T{\´o}th, Istv{\´a}n and Velcheva, Boryana and Wilson, Andrew}, title = {The Anticorruption Frontline}, series = {The Anticorruption Report}, volume = {2}, journal = {The Anticorruption Report}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, publisher = {Barbara Budrich Publishers}, address = {Leverkusen Opladen}, isbn = {978-3-8474-0144-5}, pages = {128}, abstract = {From Turkey to Egypt, Bulgaria to Ukraine, and Brazil to India, we witness the rise of an angry urban middle class protesting against what they see as fundamental corruption of their political regimes, perceived as predatory and inefficient. Corruption is near the top of all global protesters' list of grievances - from the Occupy movement to the Arab Spring. Their countries have benefited to varying degrees from globalization, but their regimes have all failed to evolve politically to meet their expectations. Corruption has become the main explanation for failures in government performance, for networks of patrons and clients subverting fair competition, and for billions of Euro in disappearing public funds, national or foreign assistance income. The economic crisis exposed the hypocrisy of rich countries which control corruption at home but use it to advance their economic interests abroad. The rise in the last two decades of an international anti-corruption regime only raised awareness but failed so far to diminish corruption. There is increasing demand for good governance resulting in quality education and health systems, and denunciation of sheer bread and circus populism. Volume 2 of the ANTICORRP Anticorruption Report tackles these issues across key cases and developments. The report is grouped into three parts: 1. The frontline reports, tracing developments in Ukraine and Bulgaria, where people rebelled against corrupt leaders, plus Rwanda and Qatar, who advanced in good governance charts, but find themselves accused of sponsoring wars across borders or bribing FIFA officials; 2. The methodology to move beyond perception-based corruption indicators, in the form of a three-country study on procurement data which reveals how EU funds increase the risk of corruption in Central Europe; 3. The empirical evidence on why control of corruption works when it does, and does not work for the most part, in the shortened version of ANTICORRP's first milestone report.}, language = {en} } @misc{MungiuPippidiBratuCharronetal., author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Bratu, Roxana and Charron, Nicholas and Dimulescu, Valentina and Doroftei, Madalina and Fazekas, Mih{\´a}ly and Kasemets, Aare and King, Lawrence Peter and Martinez Barranco Kukutschka, Roberto and Pop, Raluca and T{\´o}th, Istv{\´a}n J{\´a}nos}, title = {Controlling Corruption in Europe}, series = {The Anticorruption Report}, volume = {1}, journal = {The Anticorruption Report}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, publisher = {Budrich}, address = {Opladen}, isbn = {978-3-8474-0125-4}, pages = {128}, abstract = {Corruption has an impact. It is about time that anticorruption starts having an impact, too. This is the first annual policy report of the European Seventh Framework Research Project ANTICORRP, which has started in 2012 and will continue until 2018. Based on the work of 21 different research centers and universities gathering original data, ANTICORRP offers yearly updates on the latest from corruption research, analyzing both the consequences of corruption and the impact of policies attempting to curb it. This first report offers a methodology to evaluate corruption risk and quality of government at country, region and sector level by means of corruption indicators that are sensitive to change and policy intervention. The aim of the project is to offer testable, easy to handle policies which reduce corruption risk. Corruption distorts market competition, bolsters deficits on behalf of discretionary spending, hurts real investment in public health and education, reduces tax collection, detriments the absorption rate of EU funds, and generates vulnerable employment and brain drain. This study estimates that if EU member states would all manage to control corruption at the Danish level, tax collection in Europe would increase by 323 billion Euro per year - double of the EU budget for 2013.}, language = {en} }