@article{FreudlspergerWeinrich, author = {Freudlsperger, Christian and Weinrich, Martin}, title = {Decentralized EU Policy Coordination in Crisis? The Case of Germany}, series = {JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies}, journal = {JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies}, doi = {10.1111/jcms.13159}, pages = {n/a -- n/a}, abstract = {Abstract Europeanization research found no general convergence towards centralized EU policy coordination, despite decentralized systems' comparatively slow and ineffective position-taking. Does this finding hold against the threat, urgency, and uncertainty exerted by recent years' polycrisis? We posit that decentralized systems indeed persist, albeit in a three-step reactive sequence in which situational centralization during crises dialectically reinforces decentralization in the long run. First, the prime minister's office harnesses a crisis to acquire hierarchical control of position-taking. Second, to exploit the deep expertise of the bureaucracy and maximize its bargaining power on the EU-level, it co-opts a lead ministry. Third, due to the institutional underpinnings of the decentralized system, the lead ministry, rather than the prime minister's office, eventually retains the administrative capacities created in crisis. We illustrate this causal mechanism in a comparison of the German government's EU policy coordination during the Eurozone and Schengen crises.}, subject = {-}, language = {en} } @article{FreudlspergerMaricutAkbikMigliorati, author = {Freudlsperger, Christian and Maricut-Akbik, Adina and Migliorati, Marta}, title = {Opening Pandora's Box? Joint Sovereignty and the Rise of EU Agencies with Operational Tasks}, series = {Comparitive Political Studies}, volume = {55}, journal = {Comparitive Political Studies}, number = {12}, doi = {10.1177/00104140211066223}, pages = {1983 -- 2014}, abstract = {This article problematises the proliferation of European Union (EU) agencies with operational tasks as a new phenomenon capturing the exercise of joint sovereignty in European integration. While joint decision-making has been a feature of EU politics for decades, joint sovereignty is a broader category that additionally involves the creation of EU bodies able to intervene 'on the ground' alongside national public actors. We argue that the choice for joint sovereignty opens a Pandora's box of implementation deficiencies which undermine the ability of both national and supranational actors to conduct operational activities effectively. We subsequently identify two frequent dysfunctions in policy implementation and connect them to ambiguity and conflict at the decision-making stage. Empirically, we illustrate the systemic link between decision-making and implementation problems in the functioning of two agencies with operational tasks active in the fields of border management (Frontex) and police cooperation (Europol).}, language = {en} } @article{FreudlspergerJachtenfuchs, author = {Freudlsperger, Christian and Jachtenfuchs, Markus}, title = {Wendepunkt Corona-Krise? Deutsche Pr{\"a}ferenzen zur europ{\"a}ischen Integration staatlicher Kerngewalten seit Maastricht}, series = {integration}, volume = {44}, journal = {integration}, number = {2}, doi = {10.5771/0720-5120-2021-2-81}, pages = {81 -- 96}, abstract = {Did the Covid-19 crisis prompt a turn in German EU policy? Investigating the long-term development of German preferences on the European integration of core state powers, we find striking continuity. German governments persistently seek to minimise their costs from and maximise their control over integration. Consequently, they back supranational capacity-building primarily as a last resort in existential systemic crises. The Corona recovery fund, which is temporary and placed under intergovernmental control, is in line with this general long-term preference and does little to alleviate the structural flaws of the Euro area.}, language = {de} } @article{FreudlspergerJachtenfuchs, author = {Freudlsperger, Christian and Jachtenfuchs, Markus}, title = {A member state like any other? Germany and the European integration of core state powers}, series = {Journal of European Integration}, volume = {43}, journal = {Journal of European Integration}, number = {2}, issn = {Print ISSN: 0703-6337, Online ISSN: 1477-2280}, doi = {10.1080/07036337.2021.1877695}, pages = {117 -- 135}, abstract = {The EU has integrated core state powers in a largely unsustainable manner. Why is this? In this introduction to a special issue on Germany, we take an in-depth look at national preference-formation. We trace the impact of state elites, as emphasised by functionalist theories, and mass publics and political parties, as stressed by postfunctionalism. We find that across policy fields and with striking continuity over time, Germany acts as a normal member state. The country prefers the regulation of national capacities over the creation of European capacities, and (increasingly) the intergovernmental rather than supranational control of those capacities. Only in existential crises, Germany supports European capacity-building under intergovernmental control. This leads to unstable integration but is not an indicator of hegemonic dominance. Crucial from both a practical and theoretical perspective, there exists no major gap between state elites and political parties or public opinion on German preferences.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Freudlsperger, author = {Freudlsperger, Christian}, title = {More voice, less exit. Sub-federal Resistance to International Procurement Liberalisation in the European Union, the United States and Canada}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-2529}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {302}, abstract = {Via an agenda of "deep trade", global trade governance has increasingly intruded into domestic regulatory space. This is all the more relevant in federally-organised polities in which competencies now subjected to international rule-setting are constituent units' prerogatives. In many federations, the field of public procurement is a case in point. At the same time, sub-federal executives' resistance to international procurement liberalisation has varied vastly across federations. While EU member states' resistance has remained low, US states' resistance has persisted and increased in recent years. The Canadian provinces, in turn, have only recently begun to open their procurement markets to foreign suppliers. In an attempt to explain this puzzling variance in sub-federal resistance, this Dissertation argues that federations' domestic institutional and procedural foundations bear an influence on policy outcomes in trade liberalisation. Relying on the concepts of "exit" and "voice" (Hirschman 1970), it posits that sub-federal executives' voice is inversely related to their reliance on exit. The more voice sub-federal executives are equipped with, the less they dispose of an incentive to exit from a system-wide policy or international commitment. Voice hinges, firstly, on a federation's institutional configuration. Council federalism, providing constituent units with a direct representation in federation-wide policy-making, endows sub-federal executives with more voice than senate federalism which relies on indirect forms of territorial representation. It depends, secondly, on the nature of vertical relations between both orders of government. Constituent units enjoy more voice when their relations with the federal level are collaborative, marked by formalised patterns of joint policy-making, rather than competitive, pursuing a delineation of federal and subfederal spheres of competence. In case studies of the United States, Canada and the European Union, the Dissertation finds that the posited inverse relationship between sub-federal voice and exit holds and that resistance among sub-federal executives has indeed evolved systematically. In the US senate federation, effective means of joint policy-making have not evolved in the noncoercive field of procurement. In the Canadian case, increasing vertical collaboration has compensated provinces for senate federalism's low voice. In comparison, the EU case proves peculiar for constituent units' decisive role in its second chamber federalism and the dense regime of trusting vertical collaboration it accommodates. Member states' low resistance is a manifestation of the EU trade regime's comparatively effective workings. Eventually, the dissertation's findings hint at an appropriate institutional and procedural design for international rule-setting in multi-level settings. If federal executives seek to subject sub-federal prerogatives to international constraints, they should allow for constituent units' continuous, systematic and collaborative inclusion.}, language = {en} } @article{Freudlsperger, author = {Freudlsperger, Christian}, title = {More voice, less exit: sub-federal resistance to international procurement liberalization in the European Union, the United States and Canada}, series = {Journal of European Public Policy}, journal = {Journal of European Public Policy}, number = {25(11)}, doi = {10.1080/13501763.2017.1343370}, pages = {1686 -- 1705}, abstract = {Comparative federalism contributes to a better understanding of the relationship between 'Brussels' and member states in international trade policy. Analysing the understudied field of international procurement liberalization and comparing the European Union (EU), the United States (US) and Canada, the article observes that sub-federal resistance has differed across federations. It finds that the more 'voice' sub-federal executives enjoy, the less they 'exit' from international commitments. Voice hinges on their representation in federation-wide decision-making (council or senate) and the sectoral nature of vertical relations (collaborative or competitive). In the US senate federation, effective means of joint policy-making have not evolved in this non-coercive field, inciting states to exit. In Canada, increasing collaboration has compensated provinces for senate federalism's low voice, reducing their resistance. EU 'second chamber federalism' proves peculiar for constituent units' decisive role and its dense and trusting regime of collaboration. Member states' high voice has encouraged their low resistance.}, language = {en} } @book{Freudlsperger, author = {Freudlsperger, Christian}, title = {Trade Policy in Multilevel Government}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {9780198856122}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {288}, abstract = {Trade Policy in Multilevel Government investigates how multilevel polities organize openness in a globalizing political and economic environment. In recent years, the multilevel politics of trade caught a broader public's attention, not least due to the Wallonian regional parliament's initial rejection of the EU-Canada trade deal in 2016. In all multilevel polities, competencies held by states and regions have increasingly become the subject of international rule-setting. This is particularly so in the field of trade which has progressively targeted so-called 'behind the border' regulatory barriers. In their reaction to this 'deep trade' agenda, constituent units in different multilevel polities have shown widely varying degrees of openness to liberalizing their markets. Why is that? This book argues that domestic institutions and procedures of intergovernmental relations are the decisive factor. Countering a widely-held belief among practitioners and analysts of trade policy that involving subcentral actors complicates trade negotiations, it demonstrates that the more voice a multilevel polity affords its constituent units in trade policy-making, the less the latter have an incentive to eventually exit from emerging trade deals. While in shared rule systems constituent unit governments are directly represented along the entirety of the policy cycle, in self-rule systems territorial representation is achieved merely indirectly. Shared rule systems are hence more effective than self-rule systems in organizing openness to trade. The book tests its theory's explanatory power on the understudied case of international procurement liberalization in extensive studies of three systems of multilevel government: Canada, the European Union, and the United States.}, language = {en} } @techreport{FreudlspergerKnudsenRedeker, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Freudlsperger, Christian and Knudsen, Edward L. and Redeker, Nils}, title = {Transatlantic Trade post-Trump - Priorities for a Pragmatic Reset}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-37127}, pages = {14}, abstract = {After four turbulent years in trade relations, Europe has high expectations of the Biden administration. However, the room for big trade reforms is small and new grand-scale liberalization is neither economically necessary nor politically realistic. Accordingly, we propose a pragmatic agenda that focuses on ending ongoing trade conflicts and making progress on some WTO reforms as well as trade-adjacent issues such as climate change and supply-chain security.}, language = {en} }