@article{DitlmannPurdieVaughnsDovidioetal., author = {Ditlmann, Ruth K. and Purdie-Vaughns, Valerie and Dovidio, John F and Naft, Michael J}, title = {The implicit power motive in intergroup dialogues about the history of slavery}, series = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology}, volume = {112}, journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology}, number = {1}, doi = {10.1037/pspp0000118}, pages = {116 -- 135}, abstract = {This research demonstrates that individual differences in the implicit power motive (i.e., the concern with impact, influence, and control) moderate how African Americans communicate with White Americans in challenging intergroup dialogues. In a study with African American participants we find that the higher their implicit power motive, the more they use an affiliation strategy to communicate with a White American partner in a conversation context that evokes the history of slavery (Study 1). In a study with White American participants we find that, in the same conversation context, they are more engaged (i.e., open, attentive, and motivated) if they receive an affiliation message rather than a no-affiliation message from an African American partner (Study 2). In interracial dyads we find that African American participants' implicit power motives moderate how much they intend to signal warmth to a White American discussion partner, how much they display immediacy behaviors and use affiliation imagery in the discussion, and with what level of engagement White American participants respond (Study 3). High but not low implicit power African Americans thus employ a communication strategy-expressing affiliation and warmth-that can be effective for engaging White Americans with uncomfortable, race-identity-relevant topics.}, language = {en} } @article{DitlmannSamii, author = {Ditlmann, Ruth K. and Samii, Cyrus}, title = {Can intergroup contact affect ingroup dynamics? Insights from a field study with Jewish and Arab-Palestinian youth in Israel.}, series = {Journal of Peace Psychology}, volume = {22}, journal = {Journal of Peace Psychology}, number = {4}, doi = {10.1037/pac0000217}, pages = {380 -- 392}, abstract = {How can intergroup contact programs affect conflict-ridden communities besides improving the outgroup attitudes of participating individuals? We address this question by examining the effects of an intergroup contact intervention on ingroup dynamics that may mitigate intergroup conflict. We also examine how outgroup attitudes and psychological resources mediate such effects. We present the results from a difference-in-differences design with 149 Jewish and Arab-Palestinian youth, some of whom participated in an intergroup contact and sports program operated by a nongovernmental organizations in Israel. Our main outcome is one's tendency to censure ingroup members' provocations toward the outgroup. As expected, we find a positive impact of the program on ingroup censuring. However, this result is only marginally significant. We find a positive effect of program participation on outgroup attitudes among Jewish youth as expected. To our surprise, among Arab-Palestinian youth, we find a negative effect on outgroup attitudes. Exploring the underlying processes and group-based differences further, we find that outgroup regard mediates the effect of intergroup contact on ingroup censuring for Jewish youth. We find no evidence for mediation among Arab-Palestinian youth but a positive association between ingroup censuring and psychological resources. These results suggest that the psychological conditions of ingroup censuring may differ by group. We discuss implications for peace-building interventions in societies with groups in conflict.}, language = {en} } @incollection{DitlmannPaluck, author = {Ditlmann, Ruth K. and Paluck, Elizabeth Levy}, title = {Field Experiments}, series = {International Encyclopedia of Social and Behavioral Sciences}, booktitle = {International Encyclopedia of Social and Behavioral Sciences}, editor = {Wright, James D.}, edition = {Second Edition}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {New York}, isbn = {(Electronic) 9780080970875, (Print) 9780080970868}, doi = {10.1016/B978-0-08-097086-8.10542-2}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {128 -- 134}, abstract = {Field experiments are experiments in settings with high degrees of naturalism. This article describes different types of field experiments, including randomized field trials, randomized rollout designs, encouragement designs, downstream field experiments, hybrid lab-field experiments, and covert population experiments, and discusses their intellectual background and benefits. It also lists methodological challenges researchers can encounter when conducting field experiments, including failure to treat, selective attrition, spillover, difficulty of replication, and black box causality, and discusses available solutions. Finally, it provides an overview over current and emerging directions in field experimentation and concludes with a brief history of field experiments.}, language = {en} } @article{Ditlmann, author = {Ditlmann, Ruth K.}, title = {The (identification) cards you are dealt: Biased treatment of Anglos and Latinos using municipal-issued versus unofficial ID Cards}, series = {Journal of Political Psychology}, volume = {35}, journal = {Journal of Political Psychology}, number = {4}, doi = {10.1111/pops.12044}, pages = {539 -- 555}, abstract = {The current field experiment investigated if and how Latinos versus Anglos experience biased treatment in a setting where documentation is relevant. In an audit experiment, Latino customers were treated differently than a matched team of Anglo customers when making \$10 check payments at retail stores. Specifically, Latinos were asked to present an identification card (ID) more frequently than Anglo customers, were quoted a higher minimum-dollar amount for purchasing a gift certificate, and received more negative affect from salespersons. Among those who were asked for identification, a municipal-issued ID card was declined at equal rates from Latinos and Anglos, while an unofficial ID card was declined more from Anglos than Latinos. The association of Latino identity with foreignness and undocumented immigration, and the potential of municipal-ID card programs to serve undocumented immigrants are discussed.}, language = {en} } @incollection{DitlmannWrightMayvillePurdieVaughns, author = {Ditlmann, Ruth K. and Wright Mayville, Elena and Purdie-Vaughns, Valerie}, title = {Organizational and individual colorblindness approaches to past injustice}, series = {Diversity ideologies in organizations}, booktitle = {Diversity ideologies in organizations}, publisher = {Lawrence Erlbaum Associates}, address = {New York}, isbn = {9781315852188}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {93 -- 117}, abstract = {This chapter focuses on diversity ideologies from a different part of the world, and it realizes that much of the extant diversity management knowledge emanates from United States and more recently Western Europe. Indeed, South Africa provides a particularly relevant context for exploring diversity ideology because most scholars conclude it is a deeply segmented society owing to its racial and cultural heterogeneity, complexity and history. South Africa is burdened with the legacy of centuries of racial discrimination and repression of ethnic groups originating in its colonization by two European powers, the British and Dutch. The situation in South Africa is also complicated by the constitution's recognition of traditional laws of different cultural/ethnic and religious groups. The goal of employment equity act is to achieve employment equity by promoting equal opportunity and fair treatment in employment through the elimination of unfair discrimination and implementing affirmative action to redress the disadvantages in employment experienced by designated groups.}, language = {en} } @article{DitlmannLagunesLevin, author = {Ditlmann, Ruth K. and Lagunes, Paul and Levin, Brian M.}, title = {Documenting the Undocumented: A Review of the United States' First Municipal ID Program}, series = {Harvard Journal of Hispanic Policy}, volume = {24}, journal = {Harvard Journal of Hispanic Policy}, doi = {10.7916/D8TX3MQS}, pages = {43 -- 62}, abstract = {The City of New Haven, CT, sought to promote the assimilation of its immigrants by becoming the first American city to provide a government-backed ID, the Elm City Resident Card, to all residents. This article tests the policy's effectiveness in commerce. We find that Hispanics/Latinos are asked to present an ID more than Whites/Anglos, showing that the former are in greater need of documentation, regardless of their citizenship status. When a Hispanic/Latino presented the Elm City Resident Card to a cashier, it fared only as well as an unofficial ID. Thus, we conclude that the card has negligible utility as a form of documentation.}, language = {en} } @article{HaesslerDitlmannal, author = {H{\"a}ssler, Tabea and Ditlmann, Ruth K. and al, et}, title = {Needs Satisfaction in Intergroup Contact: A Multinational Study of Pathways Toward Social Change}, series = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology: Interpersonal Relations and Group Processes}, journal = {Journal of Personality and Social Psychology: Interpersonal Relations and Group Processes}, issn = {0022-3514}, doi = {10.31234/osf.io/f9mwv}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-39717}, abstract = {What role does intergroup contact play in promoting support for social change toward greater social equality? Drawing on the needs-based model of reconciliation, we theorized that when inequality between groups is perceived as illegitimate, disadvantaged group members will experience a need for empowerment and advantaged group members a need for acceptance. When intergroup contact satisfies each group's needs, it should result in more mutual support for social change. Using four sets of survey data collected through the Zurich Intergroup Project in 23 countries, we tested several preregistered predictions, derived from the above reasoning, across a large variety of operationalizations. Two studies of disadvantaged groups (Ns = 689 ethnic minority members in Study 1 and 3,382 sexual/gender minorities in Study 2) support the hypothesis that, after accounting for the effects of intergroup contact and perceived illegitimacy, satisfying the need for empowerment (but not acceptance) during contact is positively related to support for social change. Two studies with advantaged groups (Ns = 2,937 ethnic majority members in Study 3 and 4,203 cis-heterosexual individuals in Study 4) showed that, after accounting for illegitimacy and intergroup contact, satisfying the need for acceptance (but also empowerment) is positively related to support for social change. Overall, findings suggest that intergroup contact is compatible with efforts to promote social change when group-specific needs are met. Thus, to encourage support for social change among both disadvantaged and advantaged group members, it is essential that, besides promoting mutual acceptance, intergroup contact interventions also give voice to and empower members of disadvantaged groups.}, language = {en} } @article{AlizadeDancygierDitlmann, author = {Alizade, Jeyhun and Dancygier, Rafaela and Ditlmann, Ruth K.}, title = {National Penalties Reversed: The Local Politics of Citizenship and Politician Responsiveness to Immigrants}, series = {The Journal of Politics}, journal = {The Journal of Politics}, doi = {10.1086/711056}, abstract = {Local politicians can play an important role in promoting citizenship, but their helpfulness varies considerably across local councils. Do politicians discriminate against immigrants seeking to naturalize in ways that public opinion and national citizenship debates would suggest? In two correspondence studies fielded in Germany, we find no evidence that features that are salient in national debates and public opinion predict responsiveness. Specifically, signals of national identification and attachment play no role. Instead, we document a reversed national penalty: politicians are 50\% more likely to assist a large low-status group (Turks) than a small high status-group (Canadians). When probing mechanisms via elite interviews, we find that the desire to promote integration and electoral participation can counteract biases that typically generate discrimination. Among politicians, factors associated with group size can therefore help reverse penalties against low-status groups. Research on citizenship and discrimination must consider these disconnects between public perceptions, national debates, and local politics.}, language = {en} } @article{HaesslerDitlmann, author = {H{\"a}ssler, Tabea and Ditlmann, Ruth K.}, title = {A large-scale test for the link between intergroup contact and social change}, series = {Nature Human Behaviour}, volume = {4}, journal = {Nature Human Behaviour}, number = {4}, doi = {10.1038/s41562-019-0815-z}, pages = {380 -- 386}, abstract = {Guided by the early findings of social scientists, practitioners have long advocated for greater contact between groups to reduce prejudice and increase social cohesion. Recent work, however, suggests that intergroup contact can undermine support for social change towards greater equality, especially among disadvantaged group members. Using a large and heterogeneous dataset (12,997 individuals from 69 countries), we demonstrate that intergroup contact and support for social change towards greater equality are positively associated among members of advantaged groups (ethnic majorities and cis-heterosexuals) but negatively associated among disadvantaged groups (ethnic minorities and sexual and gender minorities). Specification-curve analysis revealed important variation in the size—and at times, direction—of correlations, depending on how contact and support for social change were measured. This allowed us to identify one type of support for change—willingness to work in solidarity— that is positively associated with intergroup contact among both advantaged and disadvantaged group members.}, language = {en} } @article{DitlmannKopfBeck, author = {Ditlmann, Ruth K. and Kopf-Beck, Johannes}, title = {The Meaning of Being German: An Inductive Approach to National Identity}, series = {Journal of Political and Social Psychology}, volume = {7}, journal = {Journal of Political and Social Psychology}, number = {1}, doi = {10.5964/jspp.v7i1.557}, pages = {423 -- 447}, abstract = {Germany is often cited as a paradigmatic case for an ethnic model of nationalism but in recent years introduced many civic elements into its citizenship policies. The goal of the current article is to explore how German citizens construct their national identity against this backdrop. Using an inductive approach, we asked 987 German citizens to describe what being German means for them. A latent class analysis of content-coded responses revealed four classes: a heritage-based identity class with a strong focus on language and culture (39\%), an ideology-based identity class that revolves around democracy, welfare, freedom, and economy and safety (19\%), a legal-formalistic identity class that is mostly concerned with the legal requirement for obtaining and holding citizenship of national identity (26\%), and a trait-based identity class describing personality-traits that are supposed to be typical for Germans (16\%). These findings expand upon and add nuance to the commonly used civic vs. ethnic national identity content typology.}, language = {en} }