@article{SalazarMoralesAlzaBarco, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego and Alza Barco, Carlos}, title = {Corrupci{\´o}n y dise{\~n}os institucionales en Am{\´e}rica Latina}, series = {Revista De Ciencia Pol{\´i}tica Y Gobierno}, volume = {4}, journal = {Revista De Ciencia Pol{\´i}tica Y Gobierno}, number = {8}, issn = {2313-304X}, doi = {https://doi.org/10.18800/rcpg.201702.000}, pages = {5 -- 10}, abstract = {?'Qu{\´e} es la corrupci{\´o}n?, ?'c{\´o}mo detectarla? y ?'c{\´o}mo combatirla? Son preguntas que emergieron en los {\´u}ltimos a{\~n}os en Am{\´e}rica Latina en un contexto marcado por su posicionamiento en la palestra mundial como una de las regiones m{\´a}s corruptas del planeta. Hacia el a{\~n}o 2013, las denuncias period{\´i}sticas por corrup-ci{\´o}n involucraron a cerca de trece pa{\´i}ses en la regi{\´o}n (Gesti{\´o}n, 2017). Esta situaci{\´o}n dio por sentada que la corrupci{\´o}n era (es) el principal t{\´o}pico de preo-cupaci{\´o}n en la regi{\´o}n. Seg{\´u}n Transparencia Internacional (2017), en promedio, Am{\´e}rica Latina se ubica en el cuartil superior entre los pa{\´i}ses corruptos a nivel mundial, situaci{\´o}n preocupante para la regi{\´o}n. Los altos {\´i}ndices de corrupci{\´o}n no s{\´o}lo afectan la calidad y cantidad de gasto p{\´u}blico, encarecen la inversi{\´o}n privada, reducen el acceso a los servicios p{\´u}blicos para la ciudadan{\´i}a y detienen el desarrollo, sino que sus efectos tambi{\´e}n son sist{\´e}micos: influyen en las rela-ciones cotidianas entre ciudadan{\´i}a y Estado y las distorsiona creando una ins-titucionalidad paralela. En otras palabras, genera una cultura de transgresi{\´o}n.}, language = {es} } @article{SalazarMoralesCalmet, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego and Calmet, Yasm{\´i}n}, title = {VRAEM: Pol{\´i}ticas de Seguridad P{\´u}blica en Zona de conflicto}, series = {Revista de Sociolog{\´i}a de la Guerra: Cuadernos de Marte}, volume = {5}, journal = {Revista de Sociolog{\´i}a de la Guerra: Cuadernos de Marte}, issn = {1852-9879}, pages = {157 -- 186}, abstract = {Las pol{\´i}ticas de seguridad desarrolladas por el Estado peruano durante los a{\~n}os 80 han sido causantes de innumerables muertes, desapariciones y violaciones de derechos humanos. En la actualidad, con remanentes subversivos y una zona infestada por el narcotr{\´a}fico (el VRAEM), la atenci{\´o}n a las pol{\´i}ticas y estrategias desarrolladas por el Estado para afrontar esta problem{\´a}tica es crucial. En tal sentido, este art{\´i}culo rese{\~n}a las principales decisiones del gobierno peruano desde el a{\~n}o 2000 hasta la actualidad, en materia de pol{\´i}ticas de seguridad para la zona en conflicto denominada VRAEM desentra{\~n}ado las estrategias utilizadas para afrontar a Sendero Luminoso y c{\´o}mo estas han violado, reiteradamente, los derechos fundamentales de las poblaciones aleda{\~n}as a la zona en conflicto.}, language = {es} } @incollection{SalazarMorales, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego}, title = {Neoliberal governmentality in the Peruvian Higher Education: An example of students' unions' resistance and conflict}, series = {Theorizing the University: Critical perspectives on institutional research}, booktitle = {Theorizing the University: Critical perspectives on institutional research}, editor = {Murphy, Mark and Burke, Ciaran and Costa, Cristina and Rille, Raaper}, publisher = {Bloomsbury Academic}, address = {London}, doi = {10.5040/9781350141582.ch-014}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {219 -- 238}, abstract = {Diego A. Salazar-Morales In 1991, Peru's autocratic leader Alberto Fujimori ordered the military to intervene in public universities, claiming that the Maoist organisation Shining Path had long been encouraging students' ideological radicalisation. Together with this measure, Fujimori also introduced an aggressive privatisation scheme for Peru's higher education system consisting of tax exemptions, consultancies for private universities, and a lack of general regulatory oversight. After ten years of military intervention and in the wake of Fujimori's regime (1990-2000) , a dual system was established: a system of well-funded private universities, connected to international academic centres, serving the Peruvian elites; and another system of underfunded public universities, with few international connections, and peripheral to the global academic debate. However, this divide has not only led to marked differences in education quality and access to the job market, it has also created a stigma around public university students and their organised attempts to...}, language = {en} } @incollection{SalazarMoralesLauriano, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego and Lauriano, Lucas Amaral}, title = {A Typology of the Latin American Civil Servant: Patronage Appointee, Technocrat, Loyalist, or Careerist}, series = {The Palgrave Handbook of the Public Servant}, booktitle = {The Palgrave Handbook of the Public Servant}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {London}, isbn = {978-3-030-03008-7}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-030-03008-7_71-1}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {1 -- 22}, abstract = {Latin American (LA) civil services have traditionally been characterized by their rapid personnel rotation, unstructured careers schemes, and networks that are primarily based on patronage loyalties. During the twentieth century, the civil service in Latin America has undergone several stages of reform as a result of structural adjustment programs and conditional loans from international institutions, which, together with the regions' own political development, have created a complex system of hybrid forms of civil service. The coexistence of highly technocratic institutions ("isles of efficiency") and more patronage-oriented institutions is therefore common in Latin America. Furthermore, these institutions also produce different types of civil servants ranging from technocratic to political. This chapter provides a general overview of the theoretical discussions concerning the study of civil services in LA by comparing approaches focusing on "state capacity" or "administrative tradition." According to the state capacity approach, scholars have largely explained the role and functions of civil servants based on their capacities and their relative political autonomy, while the administrative tradition approach emphasizes their access to state positions and whether or not they are meritocratic. Based on these discussions, this chapter proposes a fourfold categorization of civil servants (patronage appointees, technocrats, partisan loyalists, and careerists) that coexist in LA bureaucracies. The chapter concludes by briefly summarizing the central ideas of the civil servant typology and the potential challenges with regard to their application in practice.}, language = {en} } @incollection{SalazarMoralesHallerberg, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego and Hallerberg, Mark}, title = {Trilateral Competitive Interdependence: European and American Trade Policy Choices and the rise of China}, series = {The European Union and Beyond: Multilevel-Governance, Institutions and Policymaking}, booktitle = {The European Union and Beyond: Multilevel-Governance, Institutions and Policymaking}, editor = {Spoon, Jae-Jae and Ringe, Nils}, publisher = {European Council of Political Research Press}, address = {Colchester}, isbn = {9781785523359}, publisher = {Hertie School}, language = {en} } @techreport{SalazarMoralesHallerberg, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego and Hallerberg, Mark}, title = {The Role of Fiscal Coordination and Partisanship in the Spanish Fiscal Federalist System: Lessons for European Union reforms}, pages = {28}, abstract = {An issue that the European Union continues to face is how to coordinate the economic and fiscal policies of its member states. Recent reforms that created the European Semester require additional information concerning member states' fiscal plans for the Commission and Council to review more rigorously. Spain has developed similar provisions for its regions. In this paper, Mark Hallerberg and Diego Salazar-Morales consider the possible lessons arising from the emerging federation in Spain for the European framework. They analyse the performance of Spain's fiscal federalist framework with a special emphasis on its coordination and political relationship with the autonomous regions. Their findings suggest that coordination agreements are negatively correlated with balances, indicating that such agreements are indicators of fiscal problems and also that they did not contribute to lower deficits. Moreover, they find that politics, rather than fiscal rules and frameworks, led to differing fiscal performance. The paper concludes with lessons from Spain's experience for the European Union.}, language = {en} } @incollection{SalazarMoralesPrietoBarraganAlza, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego and Prieto Barrag{\´a}n, Tracy and Alza, Carlos}, title = {Oportunidad para Servir. El caso de la creaci{\´o}n del Cuerpo de Gerentes P{\´u}blicos en el Per{\´u}}, series = {Aprender de la Experiencia. Ocho estudios de caso para ense{\~n}ar Pol{\´i}ticas P{\´u}blicas y Gesti{\´o}n P{\´u}blica}, booktitle = {Aprender de la Experiencia. Ocho estudios de caso para ense{\~n}ar Pol{\´i}ticas P{\´u}blicas y Gesti{\´o}n P{\´u}blica}, publisher = {Pontifical Catholic University of Peru}, address = {Lima}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {191 -- 200}, abstract = {El Cuerpo de Gerentes P{\´u}blicos de SERVIR nace de un proceso de aprendizaje enriquecedor que supone un reto para la reconversi{\´o}n de la burocracia nacional tradicional hacia una moderna y m{\´a}s eficiente a partir de experiencias latinoamericanas similares. SERVIR, mediante esta experiencia, nos demuestra que la pol{\´i}tica p{\´u}blica no es un proceso de una sola direcci{\´o}n, que las fases pueden variar y que la creatividad es un aspecto fundamental para imaginar opciones y alternativas frente a un n{\´u}mero de retos que la gesti{\´o}n p{\´u}blica nos presenta. Pero no solo es creatividad, tambi{\´e}n se trata de instinto al identificar los precisos momentos en los que apostar por un proyecto y cu{\´a}ndo salir.}, language = {es} } @incollection{SalazarMorales, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego}, title = {Cr{\´o}nica de un Conflicto anunciado. El caso del conflicto social en Bagua (5 y 6 de junio de 2009)}, series = {Aprender de la Experiencia. Ocho casos para ense{\~n}ar Pol{\´i}ticas P{\´u}blicas}, booktitle = {Aprender de la Experiencia. Ocho casos para ense{\~n}ar Pol{\´i}ticas P{\´u}blicas}, publisher = {Pontifical Catholic University of Peru}, address = {Lima}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {121 -- 150}, abstract = {Los acontecimientos que se suscitaron el 5 de junio de 2009 en el poblado amaz{\´o}nico de Bagua presentan una serie de antecedentes, decisiones y estrategias adoptadas por parte del Estado y a una serie de actores pol{\´i}ticos que hacen que su estudio sea particularmente interesante. Nos encontramos frente a un suceso que cambia la manera de entender y manejar los conflictos sociales en la pol{\´i}tica nacional.}, language = {es} } @incollection{MancoPoncianoSalazarMorales, author = {Manco Ponciano, Kervin and Salazar-Morales, Diego}, title = {?'Qui{\´e}n accede a la educaci{\´o}n superior en el Per{\´u}? Juventud y pobreza en estudiantes deeducaci{\´o}n universitaria y tecnol{\´o}gica superior}, series = {Subjetividades diversas: An{\´a}lisis de la situaci{\´o}n pol{\´i}tica, social y econ{\´o}mica de las juventudes peruanas}, booktitle = {Subjetividades diversas: An{\´a}lisis de la situaci{\´o}n pol{\´i}tica, social y econ{\´o}mica de las juventudes peruanas}, publisher = {UNESCO}, address = {Montevideo}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {187 -- 209}, language = {es} } @incollection{SalazarMorales, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego}, title = {Agenda juvenil ind{\´i}gena en el Per{\´u}. Apuntes para un movimiento en construcci{\´o}n}, series = {Movimientos juveniles en Am{\´e}rica Latina y el Caribe: entre la tradici{\´o}n y la innovaci{\´o}n}, booktitle = {Movimientos juveniles en Am{\´e}rica Latina y el Caribe: entre la tradici{\´o}n y la innovaci{\´o}n}, publisher = {UNESCO}, address = {Montevideo}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {233 -- 247}, abstract = {Fragmentaci{\´o}n y desarticulaci{\´o}n son algunas de las caracter{\´i}sticas de las organizaciones ind{\´i}genas en el Per{\´u}. En medio de dicho escenario las agendas juveniles aparecen sub representadas y consumidas por reivindicaciones m{\´a}s "adultas" que se centran en los derechos colectivos y la Ley de Consulta Previa. A lo largo de los a{\~n}os la conformaci{\´o}n de las agendas ind{\´i}genas ha sido reactiva a las acciones del Estado peruano, a su vez, han configurado una coyuntura cr{\´i}tica donde la posesi{\´o}n de los derechos colectivos, por su importancia pol{\´i}tica, ha opacado algunas de las demandas juveniles. El presente art{\´i}culo explora los procesos bajo los cuales se conforman las agendas pol{\´i}ticas ind{\´i}genas y c{\´o}mo estas encuentran una coyuntura cr{\´i}tica con la ratificaci{\´o}n del convenio 169 de la OIT en 1993, dejando a la poblaci{\´o}n ind{\´i}gena joven alrededor de las agendas adultas.}, language = {es} } @article{SalazarMoralesHallerberg, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego A and Hallerberg, Mark}, title = {The role of fiscal coordination and partisanship in the Spanish fiscal federalist system}, series = {Regional \& Federal Studies}, volume = {32}, journal = {Regional \& Federal Studies}, number = {5}, doi = {10.1080/13597566.2021.1915778}, pages = {617 -- 639}, abstract = {During the euro crisis, the sustainability of Spain's debt burden was called into question. By 2019, however, Spain had successfully navigated its own crisis and reduced its debt burden. What role did Spain's emerging fiscal federal system play in this recovery? We analyze the performance of Spain's fiscal federalist framework and how it affected the country's budgetary balance, with a special emphasis on its coordination and on political relationships within the autonomous regions. Contrary to what advocates of the benefits of fiscal coordination argue, we find that coordination does not prevent the erosion of fiscal discipline in regions. Our results show that politics, rather than fiscal rules and frameworks, play an important role and have led to differing fiscal performance. In regions where incumbents were re-elected, coordination is employed to ensure more positive budgetary balances. Conversely, in regions with changing incumbents, coordination serves as an indicator of future fiscal problems.}, language = {en} } @article{SalazarMorales, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego}, title = {The reputational basis of policy success in comparative perspective: Evidence from the education sector in Peru and Bolivia}, series = {Governance}, journal = {Governance}, issn = {1468-0491}, doi = {10.1111/gove.12568}, abstract = {This article, building on the emerging theoretical corpus of "reputation theory" provides an alternative explanation about how successful policies are obtained in contexts of bureaucratic weakness and volatile politics. The argument is that politicians choose to intervene in delivering successful policies based on how contributable such policies are to construct their political reputations. The findings suggest that in both countries, less tenured politicians face higher incentives to build their reputations, so they choose to deliver better policies to accumulate "successful experiences" as vitae for electoral purposes. Tenured politicians, in turn, opt for inaction or strategic delivery, to preserve their already won political reputations. The present article brings evidence from the education sector of Peru and Bolivia, a sector that has been at the core of these countries' priorities for decades. Through a mixed methods approach involving a panel regression and in-depth interviews, results obtained largely confirm this article's claims.}, language = {en} } @article{SalazarMorales, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego}, title = {Sermons, carrots or sticks? Explaining successful policy implementation in a low performance institution}, series = {Journal of Education Policy}, volume = {33}, journal = {Journal of Education Policy}, number = {4}, issn = {0268-0939}, doi = {10.1080/02680939.2017.1378823}, pages = {457 -- 487}, abstract = {This article explains how after 43 years of unsatisfactory outcomes, the Ministry of Education of Peru (MoE) suddenly ranked at the top of governmental performance tables. To do so, this study relies on implementation and major discussions of policy instrument theories to provide a comprehensive explanation of the reasons underlying the MoE's improvements. Methodologically, this research employs the mixed research methods paradigm. It combines process-tracing and regression analysis. The analyses show that the MoE underwent three major events in its route to achieve policy success. First, the approval of a long-term policy plan (National Educative Plan to 2021); second, the contentious legitimisation of governmental policies against Peru's teachers' union and its eventual defeat; and, third, the recentralisation of historically dispersed control functions in the MoE. The results indicate that upon the occurrence of these reforms, MoE's bureaucrats could gain teachers' legitimacy and eventually achieve complementarity of policy tools. In fact, the multiple regression analysis suggests positive and significant interdependence between the set of tools employed by MoE officers: parents' voluntary monetary contribution to schools (sermon), economic incentives to outperform schools (carrots) and trimestral oversight of schools' performance (sticks). Results also show that MoE's tools are positively associated with satisfactory student-learning outcomes.}, language = {en} } @article{SalazarMoralesMogollon, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego and Mogoll{\´o}n, Guillermo}, title = {Pr{\´o}logo: la pol{\´i}tica de la pol{\´i}tica comercial en Am{\´e}rica Latina}, series = {Revista Andina De Estudios Pol{\´i}ticos}, volume = {9}, journal = {Revista Andina De Estudios Pol{\´i}ticos}, number = {1}, issn = {2221-4135}, doi = {10.35004/raep.v9i1.148}, pages = {1 -- 4}, abstract = {Los experimentos comerciales en Am{\´e}rica Latina han sido extremos, en muchos casos radicales, y en otros, guiados por la presencia de potencias extranjeras que expanden sus intereses en la regi{\´o}n (Jordana y Rami{\´o}, 2002). En este conjunto de experiencias, Am{\´e}rica Latina se debate entre iniciativas locales fundamentadas en pactos internacionales que permitir{\´i}an elevar el nivel de competitividad y el poder de negociaci{\´o}n de sus pa{\´i}ses. Hasta la fecha, la regi{\´o}n cuenta con aproximadamente 30 organismos multilaterales, los cuales han sido creados con fines de integraci{\´o}n, pero m{\´a}s importante, con el objetivo de alinear proyectos econ{\´o}micos con proyectos pol{\´i}ticos (L{\´o}pez-Berm{\´u}dez, Freire y Montes, 2018). Estos, a su vez, se alinearon con los intereses de grandes potencias extranjeras y persiguen acuerdos comerciales con ellas de tal forma que reflejan tambi{\´e}n opciones pol{\´i}ticas. Tal vez la m{\´a}s clara de las diferencias muestran la divisi{\´o}n entre bloques econ{\´o}micos (Mil{\´a}n et.al. 2015). En el 2004, en la Habana, Cuba, se cre{\´o} la Alianza Bolivariana, o ALBA, que busca la integraci{\´o}n comercial aut{\´o}ctona en Am{\´e}rica Latina, en respuesta a las pretensiones estadounidenses de establecer un {\´a}rea de libre comercio en la Am{\´e}ricas (Botto 2015). Es importante recalcar que este bloque comercial, a su vez, busc{\´o} establecer un {\´a}rea de libre comercio bajo la doctrina pol{\´i}tica del bolivarianismo -de largo discutido hasta el d{\´i}a de hoy. Indudablemente las alineaciones pol{\´i}ticas y comerciales del ALBA indujeron la entrada de potencias emergentes como Rusia, China y entonces Brasil que tambi{\´e}n promovieron una pol{\´i}tica comercial alternativa a los Estados Unidos (Bartesaghi, 2015).}, language = {es} } @techreport{CingolaniSalazarMorales, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Cingolani, Luciana and Salazar-Morales, Diego}, title = {The role of public workforce diversity and the administrative ecosystem in advancing public sector innovation}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-4970}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-49700}, pages = {38}, abstract = {Organization studies have long built a 'business case' for diversity, which today includes innovation capacity among the benefits of diverse workforces. Diversity's impact on innovation has been tested in private firms, yet no systematic study exists in public management. We address this challenge using a twostep dynamic panel data analysis via generalised methods of moments estimation in 36 European countries. The findings confirm that higher public workforce diversity leads to higher public sector innovation. This effect, however, is mediated by the administrative ecosystem, where greater uniformity in managerial practices makes diversity more salient, an obstacle to unleash its innovative potential.}, language = {en} } @article{CingolaniSalazarMorales, author = {Cingolani, Luciana and Salazar-Morales, Diego}, title = {The role of public workforce diversity and the administrative ecosystem in advancing digital public service innovation}, series = {Public Management Review}, journal = {Public Management Review}, doi = {10.1080/14719037.2024.2303609}, abstract = {Organizational studies have long built a 'business case' for diversity, which today includes innovation capacity among the benefits of diverse workforces. Diversity's impact on innovation has been tested in private firms, yet few systematic studies exist in public management. We address this challenge using a two-step dynamic panel data analysis via generalized methods of moment estimation in 36 European countries. The findings confirm that higher public workforce diversity leads to higher public service innovation. This effect, however, is mediated by the administrative ecosystem, where greater uniformity in managerial practices makes diversity more salient, an obstacle to unleash its innovative potential.}, language = {en} } @techreport{SalazarMoralesHallerberg, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Salazar-Morales, Diego and Hallerberg, Mark}, title = {Shaping a New International Trade Order: Competition and Co-operation among the European Union, the United States, and China}, series = {Dahrendorf Forum IV: Working Paper No. 12}, journal = {Dahrendorf Forum IV: Working Paper No. 12}, pages = {31}, abstract = {Following the establishment of the World Trade Organisationin January 1995, American and European trade relationships werefor a timecharacterised by 'competitive interdependence',astheUS and EUsimultaneously aimedtoadvance their commercial interests inthird countries. Under conditions of competitive interdependence, trade actorsresort to certain policy choices to gain advantage for their producers while restricting others' ability to enter a market (Sbragia, 2010).In the last decade, however, European and American trade policymakers have facedthe challenges of a more competitive world and the emergence of newer trade powers such as China. Both actors have veered away frommultilateral deals as their preferred trade policy choices. In this paper, weuse the Sbragia (2010) framework to analyse the trade policy shifts made bythe EU and the US in the last decade. We argue that what had been a competitive interdependence relationship has recently changed toa trilateral structure in which both the EU and the US have focused their attention on countering Chinese competition. Moreover, China's emergence has also pushed the USto reinvigorate the role of unilateralism and the EU to bolsterbilateralism as they both seek to secure their commercial shares worldwide.}, language = {en} }