@article{KowarschFlachslandMinxetal., author = {Kowarsch, Martin and Flachsland, Christian and Minx, Jan C. and et al.,}, title = {A road map for global environmental assessments}, series = {Nature Climate Change}, volume = {7}, journal = {Nature Climate Change}, publisher = {Springer Nature}, issn = {1758-678X}, doi = {10.1038/nclimate3307}, pages = {379 -- 382}, abstract = {Increasing demand for solution-oriented environmental assessments brings significant opportunities and challenges at the science-policy-society interface. Solution-oriented assessments should enable inclusive deliberative learning processes about policy alternatives and their practical consequences.}, language = {en} } @article{EdenhoferFlachslandKornek, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian and Kornek, Ulrike}, title = {Der Grundriss f{\"u}r ein neues Klimaregime}, series = {ifo Schnelldienst}, volume = {69}, journal = {ifo Schnelldienst}, number = {3}, issn = {0018-974X}, pages = {11 -- 15}, language = {de} } @article{EdenhoferFlachsland, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Laudato si'. Die Sorge um die globalen Gemeinschaftsg{\"u}ter}, series = {Stimmen der Zeit}, volume = {233}, journal = {Stimmen der Zeit}, number = {9}, issn = {0039-1492}, pages = {579 -- 591}, language = {de} } @techreport{CreutzigFlachslandMcGlynnetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Creutzig, Felix and Flachsland, Christian and McGlynn, Emily and Minx, Jan C.}, title = {CITIES: Car Industry, Road Transport and an international Emission Trading Scheme. Policy options}, pages = {130}, language = {en} } @incollection{EdenhoferFlachslandLorentz, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian and Lorentz, Bernhard}, title = {Die Atmosph{\"a}re als globales Gemeingut}, series = {Commons. F{\"u}r eine neue Politik jenseits von Markt und Staat}, booktitle = {Commons. F{\"u}r eine neue Politik jenseits von Markt und Staat}, publisher = {Transcript}, isbn = {978-3837620368}, pages = {473 -- 478}, language = {de} } @incollection{EdenhoferFlachslandLorentz, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian and Lorentz, Bernhard}, title = {The Atmosphere as a Global Commons}, series = {The Wealth of the Commons. A World beyond Market and State}, booktitle = {The Wealth of the Commons. A World beyond Market and State}, publisher = {Levellers Press}, language = {en} } @incollection{EdenhoferFlachsland, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Globale Energiewende - Wege zu einer nachhaltigen Energieversorgung}, series = {Globale Trends 2013. Frieden, Entwicklung, Umwelt}, booktitle = {Globale Trends 2013. Frieden, Entwicklung, Umwelt}, publisher = {Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag}, address = {Frankfurt am Main}, isbn = {978-3596194230}, pages = {265 -- 284}, language = {de} } @incollection{EdenhoferFlachsland, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Transforming the Global Energy System - Pathways Towards a Sustainable Energy Supply}, series = {Global Trends 2013. Peace - Development - Environment}, booktitle = {Global Trends 2013. Peace - Development - Environment}, publisher = {Stiftung Entwicklung und F rieden (SEF)}, address = {Bonn}, pages = {53 -- 71}, language = {en} } @article{EdenhoferFlachsland, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Die Nutzung globaler Gemeinschaftsg{\"u}ter: Polit{\"o}konomische Heraus forderungen an die Klimapolitik}, series = {ifo Schnelldienst}, volume = {12}, journal = {ifo Schnelldienst}, number = {65}, pages = {29 -- 35}, language = {de} } @article{EdenhoferFlachsland, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Die Nutzung globaler Gemeinschaftsg{\"u}ter: Polit{\"o}konomische Herausforderungen an die Klimapolitik.}, series = {Die Zukunft der Energieversorgung: Atomausstieg, Versorgungssicherhei t und Klimawandel. 2012. Rundgespr{\"a}che der Kommission f{\"u}r {\"O}kologie}, journal = {Die Zukunft der Energieversorgung: Atomausstieg, Versorgungssicherhei t und Klimawandel. 2012. Rundgespr{\"a}che der Kommission f{\"u}r {\"O}kologie}, number = {41}, editor = {Bayer. Akademie der Wissenschaften,}, pages = {137 -- 151}, language = {de} } @article{EdenhoferFlachsland, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Wem geh{\"o}rt die Atmosph{\"a}re? Nach dem Klimagipfel in Canc{\´u}n}, series = {Stimmen der Zeit}, journal = {Stimmen der Zeit}, number = {2}, pages = {75 -- 88}, language = {de} } @incollection{EdenhoferFlachslandLuderer, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian and Luderer, Gunnar}, title = {Global Deal: Eckpunkte einer globalen Klimaschutzpolitik.}, series = {Klimawandel und globale Armut}, booktitle = {Klimawandel und globale Armut}, publisher = {Kohlhammer}, address = {Stuttgart}, language = {de} } @incollection{EdenhoferFlachsland, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Der 'Global Deal' f{\"u}r den Klimaschutz - ein Pfad auf des Messers Schneide}, series = {Energiegeladen. Koordinaten einer zukunftsf{\"a}higen Klima - und Energiepolitik}, booktitle = {Energiegeladen. Koordinaten einer zukunftsf{\"a}higen Klima - und Energiepolitik}, publisher = {Ch. Goetz Verlag}, address = {Potsdam}, isbn = {9783980934947}, language = {de} } @article{EdenhoferFlachsland, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Der Friedensnobelpreis f{\"u}r den Weltklimarat}, series = {Stimmen der Zeit}, journal = {Stimmen der Zeit}, number = {2}, pages = {75 -- 86}, language = {de} } @article{SteckelJakobFlachslandetal., author = {Steckel, Jan Christoph and Jakob, Michael and Flachsland, Christian and Kornek, Ulrike and Lessmann, Kai and Edenhofer, Ottmar}, title = {From climate finance towards sustainable development finance}, series = {WIREs Climate Change}, volume = {8}, journal = {WIREs Climate Change}, number = {1}, doi = {10.1002/wcc.437}, pages = {8}, abstract = {Decarbonizing the global energy system requires large-scale investment flows, with a central role for international climate finance to mobilize private funds. The willingness to provide international finance in accordance with common but differentiated responsibilities was acknowledged by the broad endorsement of the Paris Agreement, and the Green Climate Funds in particular. The international community aims to mobilize at least USD 100 billion per year for mitigation and adaption in developing countries. In this article, we argue that too little attention has been paid on the spending side of climate finance, both in the political as well as the academic debate. To this end, we review the challenges encountered in project-based approaches of allocating climate finance in the past. In contrast to project-based finance, we find many advantages to spending climate finance in support of price-based national policies. First, the support for international climate cooperation is improved when efforts of successively rising domestic carbon pricing levels are compensated. Second, carbon pricing sets incentives for least-cost mitigation. Third, investing domestic revenues from emission pricing schemes could advance a country's individual development goals and ensure the recipient's 'ownership' of climate policies. We conclude that by reconciling the global goal of cost-efficient mitigation with national policy priorities, climate finance for carbon pricing could become a central pillar of sustainable development and promote international cooperation to achieve the climate targets laid down in the Paris Agreement.}, language = {en} } @incollection{FlachslandEdenhoferKornek, author = {Flachsland, Christian and Edenhofer, Ottmar and Kornek, Ulrike}, title = {Koordinierte CO2-Preise : Ein Vorschlag zur Weiterentwicklung des Pariser Abkommens}, series = {Unter 2 Grad? Was der Weltklimavertrag wirklich bringt}, booktitle = {Unter 2 Grad? Was der Weltklimavertrag wirklich bringt}, editor = {M{\"u}ller, Michael and Sommer, J{\"o}rg}, publisher = {Hirzel}, address = {Stuttgart}, isbn = {978-3-7776-2570-6}, pages = {69 -- 78}, abstract = {Im Dezember 2015 wurde in Paris Geschichte geschrieben: Die Weltklimakonferenz einigte sich auf das erste Klimaschutzabkommen, das alle L{\"a}nder in die Pflicht nimmt. Damit bekennt sich die Weltgemeinschaft v{\"o}lkerrechtlich verbindlich zum Ziel, die Erderw{\"a}rmung auf unter zwei Grad zu begrenzen. Doch was ist dieses Paris-Abkommen wert? Wo liegen seine St{\"a}rken, welche Herausforderungen kommen auf die Weltgemeinschaft zu? Welche Risiken birgt es? Was muss jetzt politisch folgen? Expertinnen und Experten aus Wissenschaft, Politik, Medien und NGOs analysieren in diesem Buch Hintergr{\"u}nde, Inhalte und Konsequenzen des neuen Weltklimavertrages.}, language = {de} } @article{LeipprandFlachslandPahle, author = {Leipprand, Anna and Flachsland, Christian and Pahle, Michael}, title = {Advocates or cartographers? Scientific advisors and the narratives of German energy transition}, series = {Energy Policy}, volume = {102}, journal = {Energy Policy}, issn = {0301-4215}, doi = {10.1016/j.enpol.2016.12.021}, pages = {222 -- 236}, abstract = {Political debate on energy in Germany has been shaped by two historically opposed discourses, one pushing for a transition to renewables, the other holding on to the status quo. Scientific policy advice (SPA) has been involved in their evolution from the beginning. This paper draws on the Advocacy Coalition Framework and on discourse and narrative theory to study the role of SPA in recent German energy policy. We explore 1) whether scientific advisors have been members of advocacy coalitions, and 2) how their contributions may have interacted with the evolution of the discourses and major narratives. We perform a qualitative text analysis of 50 SPA reports published between 2000 and 2015. We find that the majority of studies clearly take sides in the debate, and that in most cases the reports' positions are fully transparent. Despite the polarization, SPA provides differentiated information on key aspects of the discourses, and alternative design options for policy instruments. We conclude that SPA contributions have improved the conditions for political consensus and compromise. Collectively, SPA studies provide a basis for mapping different policy pathways and their consequences. In the future, SPA should address additional critical issues such as coal phase-out and international leadership.}, language = {en} } @article{PahleBurtrawFlachslandetal., author = {Pahle, Michael and Burtraw, Dallas and Flachsland, Christian and Kelsey, Nina and Meckling, Jonas and Biber, Eric and Edenhofer, Ottmar and Zysman, John}, title = {Sequencing to ratchet up climate policy stringency}, series = {Nature Climate Change}, volume = {8}, journal = {Nature Climate Change}, issn = {1758-6798}, doi = {10.1038/s41558-018-0287-6}, pages = {861 -- 867}, abstract = {The Paris Agreement formulates the goal of GHG neutrality in the second half of this century. Given that Nationally Determined Contributions are as yet insufficient, the question is through which policies can this goal be realized? Identifying policy pathways to ratchet up stringency is instrumental, but little guidance is available. We propose a policy sequencing framework and substantiate it using the cases of Germany and California. Its core elements are policy options to overcome barriers to stringency over time. Such sequencing can advance policy design and hopefully reconcile the controversy between first-best and second-best approaches.}, language = {en} } @article{FussFlachslandKochetal., author = {Fuss, Sabine and Flachsland, Christian and Koch, Nicolas and Kornek, Ulrike and Knopf, Brigitte and Edenhofer, Ottmar}, title = {A Framework for Assessing the Performance of Cap-and-Trade Systems: Insights from the European Union Emissions Trading System}, series = {Review of Environmental Economics and Policy}, volume = {12}, journal = {Review of Environmental Economics and Policy}, number = {2}, issn = {1750-6816}, doi = {10.1093/reep/rey010}, pages = {220 -- 241}, abstract = {The performance of the European Union (EU) Emissions Trading System (ETS) and other cap-and-trade schemes has been under scrutiny because of their inability to create a stable price for greenhouse gas emissions. This article seeks to inform the often confusing debate about the economic performance of cap-and-trade systems over time, with a focus on the EU ETS. Based on a simple intertemporal framework of emissions trading and a review of the literature, we show that different frameworks and notions of efficiency result in both different assessments of performance and different recommended strategies for improving performance. More specifically, we argue that if cap-and-trade systems have temporal flexibility (i.e., they include banking and borrowing of emissions allowances), it can be highly misleading to base the economic assessment on short-term efficiency. We seek to draw attention to the concept of long-term economic performance, which takes into account the intertemporal nature of emissions trading systems. In particular, we identify market and government distortions (e.g., myopia, lack of policy credibility, excessive discounting) that may depress allowance prices and hamper intertemporal efficiency. We then examine whether the recently adopted Market Stability Reserve and the alternative price collar are likely to address these distortions.}, language = {en} } @article{LeipprandFlachsland, author = {Leipprand, Anna and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Regime destabilization in energy transitions: The German debate on the future of coal}, series = {Energy Research \& Social Science}, volume = {40}, journal = {Energy Research \& Social Science}, issn = {2214-6296}, doi = {10.1016/j.erss.2018.02.004}, pages = {190 -- 204}, abstract = {Greenhouse gas emissions are stagnating in Germany despite increasing deployment of renewable energy. This makes the government's Energiewende appear inconsistent and has triggered a discussion on phasing-out coal. The focus has thus turned from niche technology development to the destabilization of the existing high-carbon regime. In this paper we investigate stakeholders' framings and their perceptions of different policy options to advance the understanding of regime destabilization processes and theory-building in the context of the multi-level perspective (MLP) on socio-technical transitions. We find that actors still form coalitions with traditional allies and cling to established lines of reasoning, although there are indications for a beginning disintegration of the status quo-defending coalition. In their framings, core actors emphasize risks and threats. This confirms that regime destabilization is particularly conflictual and shows that for actors pushing regime change it is more difficult to offer a positive story. Linking policies for phasing-out incumbent technologies to accompanying measures for managing structural change in affected regions may facilitate compromise. The results moreover point to a tension between national and supra-national action as a core issue in destabilization debates. Our insights are relevant for countries in similar transition phases and may inform future comparative research.}, language = {en} } @article{RoseWeiVandycketal., author = {Rose, Adam and Wei, Dan and Vandyck, Toon and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Policy Brief—Achieving Paris Climate Agreement Pledges: Alternative Designs for Linking Emissions Trading Systems}, series = {Review of Environmental Economics and Policy}, volume = {12}, journal = {Review of Environmental Economics and Policy}, number = {1}, issn = {1750-6816}, doi = {10.1093/reep/rex029}, pages = {170 -- 182}, abstract = {The coordination of international climate policy, such as linking systems of tradable greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions allowances, can greatly lower the cost to all participants of slowing climate change. We consider alternative policy designs of international agreements that would help implement the 2015 Paris Climate Agreement's GHG reduction pledges. In particular, we examine a stepwise approach to implementing a global system of GHG emissions trading, which includes estimating the benefits of alternative configurations of participating countries. We also illustrate the importance of allowance trading design features, such as the transfer of auction revenues to low-income countries. Numerical simulations indicate that an emissions trading system covering the power and industry sectors in all countries that made unconditional pledges could reduce the associated mitigation costs by more than 72 percent. Moreover, transferring the revenues from the sale of emission allowances could greatly enhance the capability of lower-income countries to meet their Paris Agreement pledges.}, language = {en} } @incollection{EdenhoferFlachslandSchmid, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian and Schmid, Lisa Katharina}, title = {Decarbonization and EU ETS Reform: Introducing a price floor to drive low-carbon investments}, series = {12 Years of European Emissions Trading in German}, booktitle = {12 Years of European Emissions Trading in German}, editor = {Angrick, Michael and K{\"u}hleis, Christoph and Landgrebe, J{\"u}rgen and Weiß, Jan}, publisher = {Metropolis}, address = {Marburg}, isbn = {978-3-7316-1375-6}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {207 -- 232}, abstract = {The EU ETS is in a crisis. There is a fundamental concern that persistently low allowance prices will fail to incentivize the investments in low-carbon capital stock and technology research and development (R\&D) required to achieve long-term European decarbonization targets in the context of the Paris Agreement. Attainment of these targets is at risk. Introducing a carbon price floor can re-affirm the role of the EU ETS as the central pillar in the European effort towards decarbonization. Such a price floor should start at an economically significant level and rise over time. Many observers argue that it is misguided to focus on the EU ETS allowance (EUA) price, since the emissions cap determines environmental effectiveness and the allowance market works well in technical terms. Four interrelated considerations underpin our concern over the persistently low EUA price: First, the EU ETS cap is not cast in stone. It might be relaxed in the future if the costs of maintaining it become politically unacceptable. This could be the case if allowance prices escalate, which can be expected to result from a high-carbon capital stock building up in presence of persistently low allowance prices. Second, there is emerging scientific evidence that the EUA price is distorted as the carbon market does not operate cost-efficiently in a long-term perspective due to private sector short-sightedness and regulatory uncertainty. Third, the EU ETS has so far not allowed the effective expression of different climate policy preferences across EU member states. Without compensatory measures, voluntary unilateral emission reductions within member states (e.g. UK carbon price support, potential German coal power exit) dampen short-term allowance prices and shift emissions in space and time. Finally, all ambitious short-term climate policy measures required for embarking on long-term decarbonization pathways face significant political opposition. This opposition can be expected to come not only from reluctant EU member states, but also industry constituencies concerned about impacts on competitiveness, businessmodels and jobs. These distributional challenges need to be tackled more effectively by strategically allocating allowance value, providing limited compensation to adversely affected constituencies, promoting low carbon R\&D to reduce future costs of decarbonization, and fostering public support for ambitious climate policy. The recent EU ETS reform effort offers an entry point to tackle these concerns, but does not sufficiently address the underlying problems. The magnitude and direction of its impact on the EUA price is highly uncertain. More fundamental change will be required to reaffirm the role of the EU ETS as the central pillar of European decarbonization efforts. In particular, a carbon price floor that rises over time can provide a clearer policy signal for guiding short-and mid-term capital stock and technology R\&D investment decisions towards low-carbon options, and can thus enable cost-efficient achievement of long-term decarbonization targets. If designed accordingly, it allows member states with a higher preference for ambitious climate policy to effectively achieve additional emission reductions. In addition, targeted and transitory compensation models for particularly affected constituencies, and public investments into the development of new technologies and related business models will be required to ensure short-and long-term political support and reinforce policy credibility. Companion policies can play an important role in fostering low-carbon investment, but are inadequate substitutes to effective long-term carbon pricing. Ideally, a carbon price floor will be implemented at the EU-level. An alternative is to start with a coalition of countries including Germany (also in view of attaining its 2020 climate targets), France and others, and to expand it over time}, language = {en} } @article{EdenhoferKnopfBurghausetal., author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Knopf, Brigitte and Burghaus, Kerstin and Flachsland, Christian and Jakob, Michael and Koch, Nicolas}, title = {Shifting Paradigms in Carbon Pricing}, series = {Intereconomics}, volume = {53}, journal = {Intereconomics}, number = {3}, doi = {10.1007/s10272-018-0735-6}, pages = {135 -- 140}, abstract = {Carbon pricing is essential to achieve a reduction in global CO2 emissions. A carbon price can either be set directly via a carbon tax (price control) or be achieved through a cap-and-trade system (quantity control). While there has been much debate about the relative merits of each approach, cap-and-trade systems have been favoured in the political arena. In principle, they offer the most straightforward way to achieve a country's emission reduction target by simply setting the cap at the remaining emission budget. Existing emissions trading schemes (ETSs) can be found in Europe, California and Qu{\´e}bec, for example.}, language = {en} } @incollection{EdenhoferFlachslandSchmid, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian and Schmid, Lisa Katharina}, title = {Wie der Emissionshandel wieder zur zentralen S{\"a}ule der europ{\"a}ischen Klimapolitik werden kann}, series = {12 Jahre Europ{\"a}ischer Emissionshandel in Deutschland: Bilanz und Perspektiven f{\"u}r einen wirkungsvollen Klimaschutz}, booktitle = {12 Jahre Europ{\"a}ischer Emissionshandel in Deutschland: Bilanz und Perspektiven f{\"u}r einen wirkungsvollen Klimaschutz}, editor = {Angrick, Michael and K{\"u}hleis, Christoph and Landgrebe, J{\"u}rgen and Weiß, Jan}, publisher = {metropolis}, address = {Marburg}, isbn = {978-3-7316-1362-6}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {217 -- 244}, language = {de} } @incollection{DasguptaEdenhoferAmezquitaetal., author = {Dasgupta, Purnamita and Edenhofer, Ottmar and Amezquita, Adriana Mercedes Avendano and Bento, Antonio M. and Caney, Simon and De la Croix, David and Fosu, Augustin Kwasi and Jakob, Michael and Saam, Marianne and Shrader-Frechette, Kristin and Flachsland, Christian and Weyant, John and You, Liangzhi and Delgado-Ramos, Gian and Dorsch, Marcel J. and Klenert, David and Lempert, Robert and Leroux, Justin and Lessmann, Kai and Liu, Junguo and Mattauch, Linus and Perrings, Charles and Schwerhoff, Gregor and Seyboth, Kristin and Streckel, Jan}, title = {Economic Growth, Human Development, and Welfare}, series = {Rethinking Society for the 21st Century Report of the International Panel on Social Progress}, booktitle = {Rethinking Society for the 21st Century Report of the International Panel on Social Progress}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, isbn = {9781108399661}, doi = {10.1017/9781108399661}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {139 -- 184}, abstract = {Economic Growth, Human Development, and Welfare" of the 2018 Report of the International Panel on Social Progress (IPSP). Mission of the IPSP: The International Panel on Social Progress (IPSP) will harness the competence of hundreds of experts about social issues and will deliver a report addressed to all social actors, movements, organizations, politicians and decision-makers, in order to provide them with the best expertise on questions that bear on social change. The Panel will seek consensus whenever possible but will not hide controversies and will honestly present up-to-date arguments and analyses, and debates about them, in an accessible way. The Panel will have no partisan political agenda, but will aim at restoring hope in social progress and stimulating intellectual and public debates. Different political and philosophical views may conceive of social progress in different ways, emphasizing values such as freedom, dignity, or equality. The Panel will retain full independence from political parties, governments, and organizations with a partisan agenda. While the Panel will primarily work for the dissemination of knowledge to all relevant actors in society, it will also foster research on the topics it will study and help to revive interest for research in social long-term prospective analysis}, language = {en} } @techreport{FlachslandPahleBurtrawetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Flachsland, Christian and Pahle, Michael and Burtraw, Dallas and Edenhofer, Ottmar and Elkerbout, Milan and Fischer, Carolyn and Tietjen, Oliver and Zetterberg, Lars}, title = {Five myths about an EU ETS carbon price floor}, abstract = {This policy briefbuilds on theworkshop EU ETS Reform: Taking Stock and Examining Carbon Price Floor Options,held at the Centrefor European Policy Studies (CEPS) in Brussels on July 3, 2018. The workshop was cosponsored by CEPS and the AHEAD and Mistra CarbonExit projects. While the brief draws on insights from workshop discussions, its views are solely those of the authors. The brief outlinesdifferent perspectives on thepast performanceof the EU Emissions Trading System (ETS)in terms of its allowance price (Section 1), analyzes how the recent reform respondedto related challenges(Section 2), and considers the case for introducinga carbon pricefloor in the EU ETS(Section 3). The main part of the brief (Section 4) identifies five myths in the debate of an EU ETSpricefloorand criticallyconfrontsthem. Section 5 concludes by discussing potential entry points for introducing a carbon price floor in the context of the upcoming EU climate policy process}, language = {en} } @techreport{EdenhoferFlachslandKalkuhletal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian and Kalkuhl, Matthias and Knopf, Brigitte and Pahle, Michael}, title = {Optionen f{\"u}r eine CO2-Preisreform. MCC-PIK-Expertise f{\"u}r den Sachverst{\"a}ndigenrat zur Begutachtung der gesamtwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung}, series = {ECONSTOR}, journal = {ECONSTOR}, edition = {04/2019}, pages = {106}, abstract = {Die deutsche Klimapolitik ben{\"o}tigt eine grundlegende Neuausrichtung. Deutschland muss im Rahmen der EU-Lastenteilungsverordnung bis 2030 seine Emissionen im Verkehrs-, Geb{\"a}ude- und Landwirtschaftssektor sowie in Teilen des Industrie- und Energiesektors um 38 Prozent gegen{\"u}ber 2005 vermindern, sonst drohen erhebliche Strafzahlungen. Das erfordert einen deutlich steileren CO2-Reduktionspfad als in den vergangenen Jahren. Die Regierung plant daher, bis zum Ende des Jahres ein Klimaschutzgesetz zu verabschieden. Mit der aktuellen Ausrichtung von Energiewende und Klimapolitik kann dieses Ziel allerdings nicht erreicht werden, weil die bestehenden {\"o}konomischen Anreize unzureichend sind und f{\"u}r Investoren und Innovatoren erhebliche Unsicherheiten {\"u}ber die zuk{\"u}nftige Ausrichtung der Klimapolitik bestehen. Außerdem sind die bisherigen Maßnahmen sozial unausgewogen. Der klimapolitische Rahmen muss dringend auf das zentrale Ziel ausgerichtet werden, also das Vermeiden von CO2-Emissionen. Der CO2-Preis sollte zum Leitinstrument der Klimapolitik werden. Gleichzeitig w{\"a}chst die Unzufriedenheit mit dem unzureichenden klimapolitischen Fortschritt in breiten Teilen der Gesellschaft: Die nationalen Klimaziele f{\"u}r 2020 werden verfehlt. Die Jugend, prominent vertreten durch die „Fridays for Future"-Bewegung, sieht die Lebensgrundlagen ihrer eigenen und k{\"u}nftiger Generationen in Gefahr. Klimaschutz ist zu einem zentralen Thema in der Mitte der Gesellschaft geworden. Daraus ist ein unmittelbarer klimapolitischer Handlungsdruck entstanden, der f{\"u}r eine umfassende Reform der Klimapolitik genutzt werden sollte. Die n{\"o}tigen Reformen lassen sich nur durch einen Paradigmenwechsel erreichen, bei dem auch die Umwelt- und Klimapolitik an den grundlegenden Prinzipien der Sozialen Marktwirtschaft ausgerichtet wird. Dabei gilt es den Wettbewerb um die g{\"u}nstigsten Vermeidungstechnologien zu f{\"o}rdern, Investitionssicherheit zu st{\"a}rken, die Gesamtkosten f{\"u}r die Erreichung der Ziele m{\"o}glichst gering zu halten und die Belastungen gerecht {\"u}ber Haushalte und Unternehmen zu verteilen. Ordnungsrecht und F{\"o}rderprogramme sollten k{\"u}nftig nur eine erg{\"a}nzende Rolle einnehmen. Im Zentrum der Neuausrichtung muss eine umfassende und koordinierte Bepreisung der CO2-Emissionen stehen. Die Ausgestaltung einer deutschen CO2-Preisreform sollte von Beginn an als Dreiklang gedacht werden: Erstens muss der Konvergenzpunkt eine europaweit harmonisierte CO2-Bepreisung sein. Zweitens sollte Deutschland als Zwischenschritt z{\"u}gig eine nationale CO2-Preisreform umsetzen, um seine Ziele im Rahmen der EU-Lastenteilungsverordnung zu erreichen. Drittens sollte die europ{\"a}ische CO2-Preisreform Grundlage f{\"u}r erfolgreiche internationale Klimaverhandlungen werden. Mit dieser Reform haben Deutschland und Europa die Chance, nicht nur die europ{\"a}ische Klimapolitik voranzubringen, sondern auch ihre Position in den internationalen Verhandlungen zu verbessern.}, language = {de} } @article{DorschFlachslandKornek, author = {Dorsch, Marcel J. and Flachsland, Christian and Kornek, Ulrike}, title = {Building and enhancing climate policy ambition with transfers: allowance allocation and revenue spending in the EU ETS}, series = {Environmental Politics}, volume = {29}, journal = {Environmental Politics}, number = {5}, issn = {1743-8934}, doi = {10.1080/09644016.2019.1659576}, pages = {781 -- 803}, abstract = {Sustaining and increasing climate policy ambition in the presence of heterogeneous interests and potential veto players is a key challenge for climate governance. We examine the conceptual and empirical significance of transfers to balance heterogeneous interests and build support for raising climate policy ambition in the development of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS). We provide insights into how to strategically sequence 'brown cushioning' and 'green push' policy incentives within the EU ETS to deliberately incentivize transformative change among actor constituencies towards decarbonization endogenously. The analysis demonstrates the significance of preventive and compensatory buy-in, via allowance allocation and revenue spending design, for the introduction and each major reform of the scheme. Given the potential for a substantially increasing value distributed within the EU ETS, future policy options should aim to strengthen the scheme's inherent incentives towards decarbonization and to prevent an increasing structural divide among EU member states.}, language = {en} } @article{PahleEdenhoferPietzckeretal., author = {Pahle, Michael and Edenhofer, Ottmar and Pietzcker, Robert and Tietjen, Oliver and Osorio, Sebastian and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Die untersch{\"a}tzten Risiken des Kohleausstiegs}, series = {Energiewirtschaftliche Tagesfragen}, volume = {69}, journal = {Energiewirtschaftliche Tagesfragen}, number = {6}, pages = {1 -- 4}, language = {de} } @article{FlachslandPahleBurtrawetal., author = {Flachsland, Christian and Pahle, Michael and Burtraw, Dallas and Edenhofer, Ottmar and Elkerbout, Milan and Fischer, Carolyn and Tietjen, Oliver and Zetterberg, Lars}, title = {How to avoid history repeating itself: the case for an EU Emissions Trading System (EU ETS) price floor revisited}, series = {Climate Policy}, volume = {20}, journal = {Climate Policy}, number = {1}, doi = {10.1080/14693062.2019.1682494}, pages = {133 -- 142}, abstract = {Several years of very low allowance prices in the EU emissions trading scheme (ETS) have motivated calls to introduce a price floor to correct potential underlying distortions and design flaws, including (i) the political nature of allowance supply and related credibility issues, (ii) potential myopia of market participants and firms, and (iii) waterbed and rebound effects resulting from policy interactions. In the wake of the recent EU ETS reform, allowance prices have sharply increased. This raises the question of whether the case for introducing a price floor in the EU ETS remains valid. We argue that such a price floor, also adopted in several other greenhouse gas cap-and-trade systems worldwide, remains an important improvement in the design of the system, as long as the above-mentioned distortions and design flaws persist. An EU ETS price floor can safeguard against these issues and provides more explicit guidance on the minimum allowance price policymakers consider acceptable. Either as a complement or substitute to the current Market Stability Reserve (MSR), a price floor would thus make the EU ETS less prone to future revision in case of unexpectedly low prices. We identify and confront four prominent arguments against the introduction of an EU ETS price floor. Key policy insights: - An EU ETS price floor would be an important institutional innovation enhancing political and economic stability, and predictability of the EUA price - The recent Market Stability Reserve (MSR) reform has not removed the need for a carbon price floor. - Introducing an element of price responsiveness into the so far purely quantitative design of the EU ETS would help to preserve its integrity - In contrast to conventional wisdom, legal analysis reveals that an EU ETS price floor can be legally feasible - Political support for a carbon price floor is gaining traction across Europe}, language = {en} } @techreport{EdenhoferFlachslandKalkuhletal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian and Kalkuhl, Matthias and Knopf, Brigitte and Pahle, Michael}, title = {Bewertung des Klimapakets und n{\"a}chste Schritte. CO2-Preis, sozialer Ausgleich, Europa, Monitoring}, publisher = {Mercator Research Institute on Global Commons and Climate Change (MCC) gGmbH}, pages = {1-16}, abstract = {Das von der Bundesregierung vorgelegte Klimapaket wird aller Voraussicht nach unzureichend sein, um die Ziele f{\"u}r 2030 zu erreichen. Zwar wird eine sinnvolle Architektur f{\"u}r eine umfassende CO2-Bepreisung sichtbar: Einstieg mit einem Fixpreis, mittelfristig ein nationaler Emissionshandel f{\"u}r W{\"a}rme und Verkehr und langfristig Integration in den EU-Emissionshandel mit einem Mindestpreis. Aber der Preispfad ist zu niedrig und reicht nicht weit genug in die Zukunft, um eine ausreichende Lenkungswirkung zu entfalten und die notwendige Sicherheit f{\"u}r Investitionen zu vermitteln. So wie der Preispfad jetzt festgeschrieben worden ist, sind nach 2026 voraussichtlich erhebliche Preissteigerungen zur Zielerreichung n{\"o}tig. Dadurch wird das Erreichen der 2030er-Ziele unn{\"o}tig teuer. Weiterhin besteht das Risiko, dass der Preispfad mittelfristig (2022 bis 2025) wom{\"o}glich schon zu einem Verletzen der EU-Lastenteilungsziele f{\"u}hrt. Auch die Frage des sozialen Ausgleichs in der deutschen Klimapolitik ist noch nicht befriedigend gel{\"o}st. Es zeigt sich, dass die Mittelschicht am st{\"a}rksten belastet wird, w{\"a}hrend die Belastung f{\"u}r {\"a}rmere Haushalte zwar abgefedert wird, der Ausgleich aber noch unzureichend ist: Gerade hier treten besondere H{\"a}rtef{\"a}lle auf. Die soziale Schieflage versch{\"a}rft sich dramatisch bei steigenden CO2-Preisen, die ab 2026 zu erwarten sind. Es kommt nun darauf an, in den n{\"a}chsten Schritten nachzusteuern: Der CO2-Preispfad sollte auf ein Ambitionsniveau angehoben werden, mit dem die Klimaziele zuverl{\"a}ssig erreicht werden k{\"o}nnen. Außerdem m{\"u}ssen die klimapolitischen Instrumente sozialvertr{\"a}glich ausgestaltet werden. Weiterhin ist eine aktivere Rolle Deutschlands in der europ{\"a}ischen Klimapolitik entscheidend. Denn parallel zum nationalen Einstieg sollte Deutschland die Einf{\"u}hrung einer integrierten europaweiten CO2-Bepreisung vorantreiben, um eine dauerhafte Zersplitterung und entsprechend hohe Kosten der europ{\"a}ischen Klimapolitik zu verhindern. Die europ{\"a}ische Klimadebatte um eine Erh{\"o}hung des Klimaziels f{\"u}r das Jahr 2030, angestoßen durch die neue EU-Kommission, bietet daf{\"u}r in der kommenden Zeit einen guten Einstiegspunkt. Zentral ist zudem ein effektiver Monitoringprozess. Dabei sollte der einberufene Expertenrat nicht nur das Ex-post-Monitoring der Emissionen unterst{\"u}tzen, sondern auch ein Vorschlagsrecht f{\"u}r das Nach-steuern von Maßnahmen zur Zielerreichung haben (Ex-ante-Evaluierung alternativer Optionen). Auch eine Berichtspflicht gegen{\"u}ber dem Bundestag w{\"a}re wichtig, um Transparenz {\"u}ber den Fortschritt bei der Zielerreichung herzustellen. Der jetzt aufgesetzte Expertenrat hat dagegen nur ein schwaches Mandat zur bloßen {\"U}berpr{\"u}fung von Daten und Modellannahmen. Doch das Gremium sollte nicht bloß den Fortschritt hinsichtlich der Klimaziele notariell best{\"a}tigen, sondern der Schrittmacher f{\"u}r deren Umsetzung sein. Hier wurde es verpasst, eine starke Institution zu schaffen.}, language = {de} } @incollection{EdenhoferRoolfsGaitanetal., author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Roolfs, Christiana and Gaitan, Beatriz and Nahmacher, Paul and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Agreeing on an EU ETS minimum price to foster solidarity, subsidiarity and efficiency in the EU}, series = {Energy Tax and Regulatory Policy in Europe: Reform Priorities}, booktitle = {Energy Tax and Regulatory Policy in Europe: Reform Priorities}, editor = {Parry (et al.), Ian}, publisher = {MIT Press}, address = {Cambridge, MA}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {31 -- 61}, language = {en} } @techreport{KalkuhlRoolfsEdenhoferetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Kalkuhl, Matthias and Roolfs, Christina and Edenhofer, Ottmar and Haywood, Luke and Heinemann, Maik and Bekk, Anke and Flachsland, Christian and George, Jan and Held, Anne and aus dem Moore, Nils and Luderer, Gunnar and Koch, Nicolas and Nikodinoska, Dragana and Pahle, Michael and Schill, Wolf-Peter and Amberg, Maximilian and Bergmann, Tobias and Meyer, Henrika}, title = {Reformoptionen f{\"u}r ein nachhaltiges Steuer- und Abgabensystem. Wie Lenkungssteuern effektiv und gerecht f{\"u}r den Klima- und Umweltschutz ausgestaltet werden k{\"o}nnen. Ein Ariadne-Kurzdossier.}, pages = {23}, language = {de} } @techreport{KalkuhlFlachslandKnopfetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Kalkuhl, Matthias and Flachsland, Christian and Knopf, Brigitte and Amberg, Maximilian and Bergmann, Tobias and Kellner, Maximilian and St{\"u}ber, Sophia and Haywood, Luke and Roolfs, Christina and Edenhofer, Ottmar}, title = {Auswirkungen der Energiepreiskrise auf Haushalte in Deutschland: sozialpolitische Herausforderungen und Handlungsoptionen}, organization = {Mercator Research Institute on Global Commons and Climate Change (MCC) gGmbH}, pages = {1-37}, language = {de} } @techreport{KellnerKnoppHaywoodetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Kellner, Maximilian and Knopp, Felix and Haywood, Luke and Roolfs, Christina and Flachsland, Christian and Kalkuhl, Matthias}, title = {Klimapolitik zwischen CO2-Bepreisung und F{\"o}rderprogrammen. Eine fiskalpolitische Betrachtung.}, pages = {25}, abstract = {Klimapolitische Maßnahmen sind sowohl mit potenziell hohen Einnahmen als auch Ausgaben verbunden. Abh{\"a}ngig von der Entwicklung des CO2-Preises k{\"o}nnen die Einnahmen aus dem nationalen und dem auf Deutschland entfallenden Anteil des europ{\"a}ischen Emissionshandels bis 2030 real insgesamt zwischen 178 und 302 Mrd. Euro betragen. Gleichzeitig wird der reale Gesamtbedarf f{\"u}r {\"o}ffentliche Klimainvestitionen eines großz{\"u}gigen Green Spending Programms auf bis zu 616 Mrd. Euro gesch{\"a}tzt - ein solches Programm d{\"u}rfte insbesondere bei zu niedrigen CO2-Preisen n{\"o}tig werden. Die Transformation zu Klimaneutralit{\"a}t ließe sich dann nicht ausschließlich durch Einnahmen aus der CO2-Bepreisung finanzieren, sondern erfordert zus{\"a}tzliche Mittel aus dem allgemeinen Bundeshaushalt. Dieser Bedarf wird weiter versch{\"a}rft, wenn zur Abfederung der Zusatzbelastung durch steigende Energiepreise ein Klimageld ausgezahlt werden soll. Zur Reduktion der Finanzierungsl{\"u}cke sollte der CO2-Preis daher als Leitinstrument der Klimapolitik ausgebaut und durch begrenzte Subventionsprogramme mit besonders effektiver F{\"o}rderung privater Investitionen unterst{\"u}tzt werden. Neben der inhaltlichen Analyse stellen wir ein Excel-Tool bereit, das zur eigenst{\"a}ndigen Ermittlung des Finanzbedarfs f{\"u}r verschiedene Ausgabenprogramme verwendet werden kann.}, language = {de} } @article{LeviFlachslandJakob, author = {Levi, Sebastian and Flachsland, Christian and Jakob, Michael}, title = {Political Economy Determinants of Carbon Pricing}, series = {Global Environmental Politics}, volume = {20}, journal = {Global Environmental Politics}, number = {2}, issn = {1526-3800}, doi = {10.1162/glep_a_00549}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-35698}, pages = {128 -- 156}, abstract = {Carbon pricing is widely considered a key policy instrument for achieving substantial climate change mitigation. However, implementation remains patchy and price levels vary significantly across countries and regions. In this article, we analyze the structural social, political, and economic conditions under which carbon prices have been implemented so far. We estimate a Tobit regression model to investigate variations in explicit carbon prices over 262 national and subnational jurisdictions. Our results highlight well-governed institutions and public attitudes as the most important conditions for carbon pricing and characterize fossil fuel consumption as a barrier to the implementation of carbon prices. The results suggest that governance and public attitude need to be integrated into political economy analysis. Policy makers should take regulatory capacities and public attitudes seriously when designing carbon pricing policies.}, language = {en} } @article{PahleTietjenOsorioetal., author = {Pahle, Michael and Tietjen, Oliver and Osorio, Sebastian and Knopf, Brigitte and Flachsland, Christian and Korkmaz, Pinar and Fahl, Ulrich}, title = {Die Ansch{\"a}rfung der EU-2030-Klimaziele und Implikationen f{\"u}r Deutschland.}, series = {Energiewirtschaftliche Tagesfragen}, volume = {70}, journal = {Energiewirtschaftliche Tagesfragen}, number = {7/8}, pages = {10 -- 13}, language = {de} } @article{JakobLambSteckeletal., author = {Jakob, Michael and Lamb, William F. and Steckel, Jan Christoph and Flachsland, Christian and Edenhofer, Ottmar}, title = {Understanding different perspectives on economic growth and climate policy}, series = {WIREs Climate Change}, journal = {WIREs Climate Change}, doi = {10.1002/wcc.677}, pages = {1 -- 17}, abstract = {Should economic growth continue in a world threatened by the prospect of catastrophic climate change? The scientific and public debate has brought forth a broad spectrum of views and narratives on this question, ranging from neoclassical economics to degrowth. We argue that different positions can be attributed to underlying differences in views on (a) factors that determine human well-being, (b) the feasibility and desirability of economic growth, (c) appropriate intervention points, and (d) preferences about governance and policy options. For each of these dimensions, we propose points of agreement on which a consensus between conflicting positions might be achieved. From this basis, we distill a sustainability transition perspective that could act as a basis for a renewed debate on how to align human well-being with environmental sustainability.}, language = {en} } @article{RaiserKornekFlachslandetal., author = {Raiser, Kilian and Kornek, Ulrike and Flachsland, Christian and Lamb, William F.}, title = {Is the Paris Agreement effective? A systematic map of the evidence}, series = {Environmental Research Letters}, volume = {15}, journal = {Environmental Research Letters}, number = {8}, doi = {10.1088/1748-9326/ab865c}, pages = {1 -- 16}, abstract = {The Paris Agreement (PA) sets out to strengthen the global response to climate change, setting targets for mitigation, adaptation, and finance, and establishing mechanisms through which to achieve these targets. The effectiveness of the PA's mechanisms in achieving its targets, however, has been questioned. This review systematically maps the peer-reviewed literature on the PA, categorizing the available evidence on whether or not the 'Paris Regime' can be effective. We split our analysis into three methodologically distinct sections: first we categorize the literature according to the mechanisms being studied. We find a diverse body of literature, albeit with a clear focus on mitigation, and identify adaptation and capacity building to be clear gaps. Second, we carry out a content analysis, identifying common drivers of, barriers to, and recommendations for effectiveness. Here we find mixed evidence, with potential drivers often qualified by more concrete barriers. Thirdly, we use scientometrics to identify six research clusters. These cover loss and damage, finance, legal issues, international politics, experimental evidence, and studies on tracking progress on the PA's targets. We conclude with a narrative discussion of our findings, presenting three central themes. First, transparency is widely considered a precondition for the PA to be institutionally effective. However, a lack of clear reporting standards and comparable information renders the PA's transparency provisions ineffective. Second, environmental effectiveness relies on national ambition, of which there is currently too little. It remains unclear to which extent the Paris Regime structure itself can induce significant ratcheting-up of ambition. Finally, the PA facilitates the diffusion of norms, enables learning and the sharing of best practices. This production of shared norms provides the most promising avenue for overcoming the current lack of ambition. One of the primary successes of the PA is in providing a platform for the exchange of experiences and ideas.}, language = {en} } @article{LeipprandFlachslandPahle, author = {Leipprand, Anna and Flachsland, Christian and Pahle, Michael}, title = {Starting low, reaching high? Sequencing in EU climate and energy policies}, series = {Environmental Innovation and Societal Transitions}, volume = {37}, journal = {Environmental Innovation and Societal Transitions}, doi = {10.1016/j.eist.2020.08.006}, pages = {140 -- 155}, abstract = {In order to achieve the UNFCCC Paris Agreement goals, climate policies worldwide require considerable ratcheting-up. Policy sequencing provides a framework for analysing policy process dynamics that facilitate ratcheting-up. We apply a sequencing perspective to two key EU climate and energy policies, the Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS) and the Renewable Energy Directive (RED), to comparatively test the empirical relevance of sequencing for single policies - in addition to sequencing across policies, which has been the focus of sequencing theory so far - and to uncover specific mechanisms. Our results confirm that sequencing, based on triggering positive and controlling negative feedback, is relevant both within and across policies. Policy choices that may facilitate ratcheting-up include tools to control costs, the possibility to centralise and harmonise in a multi-level governance context, options for compensation of reluctant actors, and the encouragement of learning processes.}, language = {en} } @article{JakobFlachslandSteckeletal., author = {Jakob, Michael and Flachsland, Christian and Steckel, Jan Christoph and Urpelainen, Johannes}, title = {Actors, objectives, context: A framework of the political economy of energy and climate policy applied to India, Indonesia, and Vietnam}, series = {Energy Research \& Social Science}, volume = {70}, journal = {Energy Research \& Social Science}, doi = {10.1016/j.erss.2020.101775}, pages = {1 -- 12}, abstract = {Devising policies that facilitate a transition to low-carbon energy systems requires a close understanding of the country-specific political economy of energy and climate policy. We develop a generalized AOC ('Actors, Objectives, Context') political economy framework to inform and enable comparison of country-specific case studies of how economic structure, political institutions, and the political environment shape policy outcomes. Our actor-centered perspective is built on the assumption that those policies are implemented that best meet the objectives of actors with the greatest influence on policy decisions. Applying the framework in practice includes four basic steps: i) identifying the societal and political actors most relevant for the formulation, implementation and enforcement of energy and climate policies; ii) spelling out these actors' underlying objectives; iii) assessing the economic, institutional, discursive and environmental context which determines how certain objectives matter for certain societal actors; and iv) analyzing the dynamic interactions among these factors leading to aggregate policy outcomes. Context factors determine how societal actors influence political actors engaged in formal public policy formulation, implementation and enforcement, and how the dynamic interplay of different political actors' interests results in energy and climate policy outcomes. The framework can accommodate a wide range of theoretical perspectives. We illustrate how the framework enables conducting comparable energy and climate policy country case studies, using the example of coal use in India, Indonesia and Vietnam. Finally, we discuss how the framework can contribute to the identification of entry points that could bring about policy change.}, language = {en} } @article{MuellerHansenCallaghanLeeetal., author = {M{\"u}ller-Hansen, Finn and Callaghan, Max W. and Lee, Yuan Ting and Leipprand, Anna and Flachsland, Christian and Minx, Jan C.}, title = {Who cares about coal? Analyzing 70 years of German parliamentary debates on coal with dynamic topic modeling}, series = {Energy Research \& Social Science}, volume = {72}, journal = {Energy Research \& Social Science}, doi = {10.1016/j.erss.2020.101869}, abstract = {Despite Germany's Paris Agreement pledge and coal exit legislation, the political debate around carbon-intensive coal remains heated. Coal power and mining have played an important, yet changing role in the history of German politics. In this paper, we analyze the entire parliamentary debate on coal in the German parliament (Bundestag) from its inception in 1949 to 2019. For this purpose we extract the more than 870,000 parliamentary speeches from all protocols in the history of the Bundestag. We identify the 9167 speeches mentioning coal and apply dynamic topic modeling - an unsupervised machine learning technique that reveals the changing thematic structure of large document collections over time - to analyze changes in parliamentary debates on coal over the past 70 years. The trends in topics and their varying internal structure reflect how energy policy was discussed and legitimized over time: Initially, coal was framed as a driver of economic prosperity and guarantee of energy security. In recent years, the debate evolved towards energy transition, coal phase-out and renewable energy expansion. Germany's smaller and younger parties, the Greens and the Left Party, debate coal more often in the context of the energy transition and climate protection than other parties. Our results reflect trends in other countries and other fields of energy policy. Methodologically, our study illustrates the potential of and need for computational methods to analyze vast corpora of text and to complement traditional social science methods.}, language = {en} } @incollection{EdenhoferFlachsland, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Laudato si'. Die Sorge um die globalen Gemeinschaftsg{\"u}ter}, series = {Christlicher Sch{\"o}pfungsglaube heute. Spirituelle Oase oder vergessene Verantwortung?}, booktitle = {Christlicher Sch{\"o}pfungsglaube heute. Spirituelle Oase oder vergessene Verantwortung?}, editor = {Voges, Sefan}, publisher = {Matthias Gr{\"u}newald Verlag}, address = {Mainz}, isbn = {9783786732266}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {35 -- 49}, language = {de} } @techreport{PahleKoschKnopfetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Pahle, Michael and Kosch, Mirjam and Knopf, Brigitte and Flachsland, Christian and Edenhofer, Ottmar}, title = {Eckpunkte und no-regret Maßnahmen f{\"u}r die Weiterentwicklung der CO2-Bepreisung auf deutscher und europ{\"a}ischer Ebene. Ariadne-Hintergrund.}, pages = {1-10}, abstract = {Dieses Papier beschreibt Empfehlungen zur Weiterentwicklung des nationalen Brennstoff-Emissionshandelsgesetzes (BEHG) - und wie ein reibungsfreier {\"U}bergang zur europ{\"a}ischen Ebene gestaltet werden kann. Bei der Einf{\"u}hrung und Ausgestaltung eines EU-Emissionshandelssystem f{\"u}r Geb{\"a}ude und Straßenverkehr (EU ETS-II) bestehen derzeit noch diverse Unsicherheiten. Unabh{\"a}ngig von den Entscheidungen auf europ{\"a}ischer Ebene identifizieren wir jedoch vier No-Regret Maßnahmen zur Weiterentwicklung des BEHG, die in allen F{\"a}llen f{\"o}rderlich sind: 1. Zeitliches Vorziehen und Anhebung des Preiskorridors plus Versteigerung: Die Einf{\"u}hrung eines Preiskorridors und die Versteigerung von Zertifikaten sollte auf das Jahr 2023 vorgezogen werden. Zudem sollte der Preiskorridor angehoben und verbreitert werden, um den neuen nationalen Klimazielen Rechnung zu tragen. 2. BEHG Emissionsmengen analog zu Sektorzielen: Die EU-Kommission hat im Fit-for-55 Paket eine Erh{\"o}hung des deutschen ESR-Ziels auf 50\% vorgeschlagen, was auch ungef{\"a}hr den nationalen Zielen im Rahmen des Klimaschutzgesetzes (KSG) von 2021 entspricht. Um zu einem fr{\"u}heren Zeitpunkt Verbindlichkeit zu schaffen, sollten daher die BEHG-Emissionsmengen aus den KSG Sektorzielen abgeleitet werden. 3. Direkte Pro-Kopf-R{\"u}ckerstattung: F{\"u}r den zu erwartenden Fall deutlich steigender CO2-Preise sollte die Bundesregierung schon vor 2023 die institutionellen Voraussetzungen f{\"u}r die Umsetzung des Klimagelds wie im Koalitionsvertrag beschrieben schaffen. 4. Nationaler CO2-Mindestpreis: Bis sp{\"a}testens 2025 sollte ein Mindestpreis zur eventuellen Erg{\"a}nzung eines EU ETS-II vorbereitet und ggf. implementiert werden. Dadurch kann im Fall anf{\"a}nglich niedriger Preise im EU ETS-II garantiert werden, dass der CO2-Preis in Deutschland weiterhin kontinuierlich ansteigt. Neben diesen Maßnahmen auf nationaler Ebene, sollte sich die Bundesregierung in den Fit-for-55 Verhandlungen einsetzen (1) f{\"u}r die Flexibilit{\"a}t zwischen EU ETS und ESR sowie (2) f{\"u}r ein graduelles Linking zwischen ETS-I und ETS-II. Mit beiden Maßnahmen k{\"o}nnen die sehr hohen Preisunterscheide reduziert und die Effizienz der Klimapolitik erh{\"o}ht werden.}, language = {de} } @techreport{KuehnerJakobFlachsland, type = {Working Paper}, author = {K{\"u}hner, Ann-Kathrin and Jakob, Michael and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Positionen deutscher Stakeholder zu einem europ{\"a}ischen CO2-Grenzausgleich. Ariadne-Hintergrund.}, pages = {1-39}, abstract = {Die Sorge um „Carbon Leakage" ist ein zentrales Hindernis f{\"u}r eine ambitionierte deutsche und Europ{\"a}ische Klimapolitik und hat in der Vergangenheit zu intensiven politischen Konflikten gef{\"u}hrt. Um angesichts der ambitionierten Klimaziele des Green Deal Carbon Leakage in Zukunft zu verhindern, hat die Europ{\"a}ische Union in ihrem „Fit f{\"u}r 55"-Paket ein CO2-Grenzausgleichssystem (Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, CBAM) vorgeschlagen. {\"U}ber den Gesetzesvorschlag der Kommission wird momentan im zust{\"a}ndigen Umweltausschuss des EU-Parlaments beraten. Die Entscheidung des EU-Parlaments wird dann an den Rat der Europ{\"a}ischen Union, nun unter dem Vorsitz Frankreichs, {\"u}bermittelt und dort weiter diskutiert. Die Verordnung soll im Januar 2023 in Kraft treten. Angesichts der Sorgen und politischen Konflikte um m{\"o}gliches Carbon Leakage hat die Frage der Unterst{\"u}tzung und Ablehnung der verschiedenen spezifischen Designelemente eines EU CBAM durch verschiedene Stakeholdergruppen eine hohe politische Relevanz. Vor diesem Hintergrund haben wir mehr als 80 der zentralen Vertreterinnen und Vertreter der deutschen Fachdebatte aus Wirtschaft, Zivilgesellschaft und Wissenschaft sowohl nach ihren grundlegenden Einstellungen als auch zu spezifischen Details der Ausgestaltung eines CBAM befragt. Dabei zeigt sich, dass in Deutschland ein CBAM unter den wichtigsten Stakeholdergruppen durchschnittlich bef{\"u}rwortet wird. Als Hauptdiskussionspunkte identifiziert wurden(1) das Auslaufen der kostenlosen Zuteilung von Emissionsrechten bei Einf{\"u}hrung eines CBAM, (2) die Anwendung eines CBAM nur auf Importe (und nicht auch auf Exporte), (3) die Frage ob und f{\"u}r welche L{\"a}nder Ausnahmen gelten sollten und (4) die Verwendung der CBAM-Einnahmen.}, language = {de} } @techreport{KnodtRodiFlathetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Knodt, Mich{\`e}le and Rodi, Michael and Flath, Lucas and Kalis, Michael and Kemmerzell, J{\"o}rg and Leukhardt, Falko and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Mehr Kooperation wagen. Wasserstoffgovernance im deutschen F{\"o}deralismus. Interterritoriale Koordination, Planung und Regulierung.}, pages = {1-36}, abstract = {Die Notwendigkeit einer st{\"a}rkeren Kooperation zwischen Bund und L{\"a}ndern in der Energiewende wird im Koalitionsvertrag der neuen Bundesregierung explizit hervorgehoben. Im Bereich des Wasserstoffes buchstabiert der Koalitionsvertrag hier jedoch keine konkreten Schritte aus, obwohl dem Energietr{\"a}ger mit der im Juni 2020 verabschiedeten Nationalen Wasserstoffstrategie eine zentrale energiepolitische Bedeutung zugewiesen wurde. Die rechtlichen und politischen Rahmenbedingungen f{\"u}r die Koordination wasserstoffpolitischer Maßnahmen und die Umsetzung der Nationalen Wasserstoffstrategie im deutschen F{\"o}deralismus wurden dabei bis dato noch wenig beachtet. Die vorliegende Ariadne-Analyse diskutiert die M{\"o}glichkeiten der vertikalen Koordination von Bund und L{\"a}ndern sowie der horizontalen Koordination zwischen den Bundesl{\"a}ndern. Die Analyse zeigt: Bestehende Modi der Koordination reichen entweder nicht aus oder werden durch divergierende Ziele nicht genutzt. F{\"u}r eine effektive Umsetzung der Nationalen Wasserstoffstrategie und der Wasserstoffstrategien einzelner L{\"a}nder bedarf es neuer Formen der Bund-L{\"a}nder-Koordination. Wir skizzieren deshalb drei komplement{\"a}re Optionen zur Steigerung der vertikalen und horizontalen Koordinationskapazit{\"a}ten: erstens die Festlegung grundlegender Standards der Herstellung und Nutzung von Wasserstoff, zweitens eine st{\"a}rkere Koordination der Bedarfsplanung und drittens die Institutionalisierung der Kooperation von Bund und L{\"a}ndern.}, language = {de} } @article{RaiserFlachslandCalı, author = {Raiser, Kilian and Flachsland, Christian and {\c{C}}al{\i}, Ba{\c{s}}ak}, title = {Understanding pledge and review: learning from analogies to the Paris Agreement review mechanisms}, series = {Climate Policy}, journal = {Climate Policy}, doi = {10.1080/14693062.2022.2059436}, pages = {1 -- 25}, abstract = {This article draws lessons for the effectiveness of the Paris Agreement's pledge and review mechanisms from the performance of comparable review mechanisms established under other international treaties. The article employs systematic evidence synthesis methods to review the existing literature on international review mechanisms in the human rights, trade, labour, and monetary policy fields and identifies six common factors influencing their performance. Applying these findings to the Paris Agreement, the analysis finds that its review mechanisms incorporate many of these factors. In particular, they combine both expert and peer review, allow for repeated interaction and capacity building, and facilitate the regular and transparent provision of information. The comparative analysis also highlights two major deficiencies of the Paris Agreement: the absence of procedures to assess the adequacy of national pledges and actions taken to implement them, and resource constraints in carrying out a complex and arduous review process. Active engagement of non-state actors with review mechanisms is identified as a potential remedy to these shortcomings. However, the overall experience of other regimes suggests that, on their own, review mechanisms provide few incentives for states to undertake significant policy changes. Rather, the political context of each regime conditions the performance of review mechanisms. We therefore conclude that the Paris Agreement's review mechanisms alone are unlikely to bring about the necessary ratcheting up of climate policy ambitions.}, language = {en} } @techreport{EdmondsonFlachslandausdemMooreetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Edmondson, Duncan and Flachsland, Christian and aus dem Moore, Nils and Koch, Nicolas and Koller, Florian and Gruhl, Henri and Brehm, Johannes and Levi, Sebastian}, title = {Assessing Climate Policy Instrument Pathways: An Application to the German Light Duty Vehicle Sector}, publisher = {Kopernikus-Projekt Ariadne}, address = {Potsdam}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-4713}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-47130}, pages = {138}, language = {en} } @techreport{ZwarEdenhoferFlachsland, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Zwar, Claudia and Edenhofer, Jacob and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Introducing and applying the Climate Institutions Analysis Framework (CIAF): A comparative analysis of climate institutions in Germany, the United Kingdom, Sweden, and Australia using the CIAF}, publisher = {SocArXiv}, doi = {10.31235/osf.io/jf8ah_v1}, pages = {39, 88}, abstract = {Climate institutions - including framework legislation and advisory bodies - have proliferated globally as part of countries' responses to climate change. They have received growing attention amid a broader 'institutional turn' in the study of climate politics. We lack conceptual tools, however, to analyse these meso-level institutions and disentangle the mechanisms driving their effects on climate policymaking. To fill this gap, we develop the Climate Institutions Analysis Framework (CIAF) and use it to qualitatively analyse climate institutions in Germany, the United Kingdom, Sweden, and Australia. We demonstrate how cross-country variation in effects stems from interactions between institutions and 'intervening variables' specific to countries' contexts. Across our sample, most institutions address agenda-setting and knowledge-related strategic challenges; few deliver ex-ante accountability and none compensation. Our framework is relevant for comparative political economy analyses of meso-level political institutions, and, alongside our results, offers lessons for policymakers seeking to create or improve climate institutions.}, language = {en} } @techreport{AdolphsenFeistFlachslandetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Adolphsen, Ole and Feist, Marian and Flachsland, Christian and Geden, Oliver and G{\"o}rlach, Benjamin and Jakob, Michael}, title = {Deutschlands Klimaaußenpolitik: Kontext - R{\"u}ckschau - Weiterentwicklung}, publisher = {Kopernikus-Projekt Ariadne}, address = {Potsdam}, doi = {https://doi.org/10.48485/pik.2024.017}, pages = {61}, language = {de} } @techreport{EdenhoferFlachsland, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Edenhofer, Jacob and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Introducing the Climate Politics Framework (CPF): An application to German climate policy}, publisher = {Center for Open Science}, doi = {10.31235/osf.io/qkbj3_v1}, pages = {74, 1}, abstract = {This paper introduces the Climate Politics Framework (CPF), a novel and comprehensive approach to analyzing climate policymaking. The CPF sets out four fundamental problems—pervasive collective action challenges, distributional dynamics, long-term policy, and deep uncertainty—that shape both elite and mass-level climate politics. These, in turn, influence the stringency and design of climate policy platforms, which consist of institutions, policy instruments as well as framing and rhetoric. These platforms can both cause emissions reductions—the main dependent variable of interest—and address strategic challenges in the climate policy process (e.g. agenda-setting, coordination, compensation, and commitment), thereby altering political dynamics over time. Applying the CPF to Germany, based on elite interviews and a literature review, we analyze key episodes and structural features of German climate policy over the past four decades. The CPF offers both an academic contribution—by synthesizing disparate strands of the climate politics literature—and, with a view to future applications, a practical tool for policymakers and stakeholders to diagnose political barriers and identify pathways for effective climate policymaking.}, language = {en} } @techreport{FeistKuehnerFlachsland, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Feist, Marian and K{\"u}hner, Ann-Kathrin and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Selling CBAM: Diplomacy for the European Union's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism}, publisher = {Kopernikus-Projekt Ariadne}, address = {Potsdam}, doi = {10.48485/pik.2024.010}, pages = {27}, language = {en} } @article{KuehnerJakobFlachsland, author = {K{\"u}hner, Ann-Kathrin and Jakob, Michael and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {German stakeholder perceptions of an EU carbon border adjustment mechanism}, volume = {17}, publisher = {Environmental Research Letters}, doi = {10.1088/1748-9326/ac9f23}, abstract = {The European Commission has proposed a carbon border adjustment mechanism (CBAM) that would apply the carbon price prevailing in the EU emissions trading system to import-related emissions. We conducted a survey to study perceptions of an EU CBAM among German key stakeholders from industry, civil society, and research in July 2021. We find that substantial support for CBAM exists as well as the expectation that the mechanism will eventually be introduced. We identified divergent views on key design options among stakeholder groups. Stakeholders from industry generally favour the continuation of free allocation of emissions allowances, rebates for exporters from the EU, coverage of only scope 1 emissions, and use of revenues for domestic spending. Stakeholders from civil society prefer phasing out free allocation, coverage only of imports, an emissions scope including all indirect emissions, exempting low-income countries and countries that do implement non-price-based climate policies, and the use of revenues to finance green transformation in low-income countries. Respondents from research would generally rather see free allocation being phased out, emissions coverage of scope 1 and 2, exemptions for low-income countries and countries that do implement non-price-based policies with comparable effects in relevant sectors and a transfer of revenues to support clean technologies in low-income countries and green technologies in the EU. Our survey design allows us to identify three cross-stakeholder group clusters, one containing stakeholders who are comparably more hesitant towards CBAM, a second one with respondents most in favour of introducing CBAM, as well as a 'middle ground' cluster which contains views that are often in between the other two. We also compare the survey responses to the design of the Commission's CBAM proposal to identify the most likely points of political disagreement.}, language = {en} } @article{OhlendorfFlachslandNemetetal., author = {Ohlendorf, Nils and Flachsland, Christian and Nemet, Gregory F. and Steckel, Jan Christoph}, title = {Carbon price floors and low-carbon investment: A survey of German firms}, series = {Energy Policy}, volume = {169}, journal = {Energy Policy}, number = {113187}, issn = {0301-4215}, doi = {10.1016/j.enpol.2022.113187}, abstract = {Introducing a price floor in emissions trading schemes (ETS) theoretically stabilizes expectations on future carbon prices and thus fosters low-carbon investment. Yet, ex post evidence on high carbon prices is scant and the relevance of carbon pricing for investment decisions is frequently contested. We provide empirical ex ante evidence on how a price floor in the EU ETS would impact the size and portfolio of energy firms' investments. Analyzing survey responses of high-level managers in 113 German energy and industry companies, we find that the level of the price floor is crucial. A low price floor trajectory only provides insurance against downward price fluctuations and would leave investments largely unchanged except for industries receiving electricity price compensation, which reduce their investments. A high floor, significantly increasing the price level beyond current expectations, leads to higher investment by the majority of firms, especially by green firms, while investment in fossil energy would partially be abolished. Our studies implies that price floors can be important design components of ETS. However, policymakers need to ensure that they are at sufficiently high levels to affect investment decisions in a meaningful way.}, language = {en} } @article{KornekFlachslandKardishetal., author = {Kornek, Ulrike and Flachsland, Christian and Kardish, Chris and Levi, Sebastian and Edenhofer, Ottmar}, title = {What is important for achieving 2 °C? UNFCCC and IPCC expert perceptions on obstacles and response options for climate change mitigation}, series = {Environmental Research Letters}, volume = {15}, journal = {Environmental Research Letters}, doi = {10.1088/1748-9326/ab6394}, pages = {1 -- 10}, abstract = {Global mitigation efforts remain insufficient to limit the global temperature increase to well below 2 °C. While a growing academic literature analyzes this problem, perceptions of which obstacles inhibit goal attainment and which responses might be most effective seem to differ widely. This makes prioritization and agreement on the way forward difficult. To inform prioritization in global climate policy and research agendas, we present quantitative data on how 917 experts from the IPCC and the UNFCCC perceive the importance of different obstacles and response options for achieving 2 °C. On average, respondents consider opposition from special interest groups the most important obstacle and technological R\&D the most important response. Our survey also finds that the majority of experts perceives a wide range of issues as important, supporting an agenda that is inclusive in terms of coverage. Average importance ratings differ between experts from the Global North and South, suggesting that balanced representation in global fora and regionally differentiated agendas are important. In particular, opposition from special interest groups is a top priority among experts from North America, Europe and Oceania. Investigating the drivers of individual importance ratings, we find little difference between experts from the IPCC and the UNFCCC, while expert's perceptions correlate with their academic training and their national scientific, regulatory, and financial contexts.}, language = {en} } @article{DubashPillaiFlachslandetal., author = {Dubash, Navroz K. and Pillai, Aditya Valiathan and Flachsland, Christian and Harrison, Kathyrn and Hochstetler, Kathryn and Lockwood, Matthew and MacNeil, Robert and Mildenberger, Matto and Paterson, Matthew and Teng, Fei and Tyler, Emily}, title = {National climate institutions complement targets and policies}, series = {Science}, volume = {374}, journal = {Science}, number = {6568}, doi = {10.1126/science.abm1157}, pages = {690 -- 693}, abstract = {Discussions about climate mitigation tend to focus on the ambition of emission reduction targets or the prevalence, design, and stringency of climate policies. However, targets are more likely to translate to near-term action when backed by institutional machinery that guides policy development and implementation. Institutions also mediate the political interests that are often barriers to implementing targets and policies. Yet the study of domestic climate institutions is in its infancy, compared with the study of targets and policies. Existing governance literatures document the spread of climate laws (1, 2) and how climate policy-making depends on domestic political institutions (3-5). Yet these literatures shed less light on how states organize themselves internally to address climate change. To address this question, drawing on empirical case material summarized in table S1, we propose a systematic framework for the study of climate institutions. We lay out definitional categories for climate institutions, analyze how states address three core climate governance challenges—coordination, building consensus, and strategy development—and draw attention to how institutions and national political contexts influence and shape each other. Acontextual "best practice" notions of climate institutions are less useful than an understanding of how institutions evolve over time through interaction with national politics.}, language = {en} } @techreport{LeviWolfFlachslandetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Levi, Sebastian and Wolf, Ingo and Flachsland, Christian and Koch, Nicolas and Koller, Florian and Edmondson, Duncan}, title = {Klimaschutz und Verkehr: Zielerreichung nur mit unbequemen Maßnahmen m{\"o}glich. Ariadne-Analyse}, pages = {1-42}, abstract = {Die Klimaschutzziele f{\"u}r das Jahr 2030 sind im Verkehrssektor nur mit starken zus{\"a}tzlichen Treibhausgasreduktionen erreichbar. Die beschlossenen Maßnahmen k{\"o}nnen laut gegenw{\"a}rtigen Projektionen nur einen Bruchteil jener Emissionen reduzieren, welche f{\"u}r die Erreichung der Klimaschutzziele im Verkehrssektor notwendig w{\"a}ren. Um die politische Umsetzbarkeit zus{\"a}tzlicher Klimaschutzmaßnahmen zu er{\"o}rtern, analysieren wir die Emissionsminderungswirkung und die Bev{\"o}lkerungsakzeptanz von 14 m{\"o}glichen Maßnahmen, basierend auf Drittstudien und eigenen Erhebungen. Wir zeigen, dass die wirkungsst{\"a}rksten Maßnahmen tendenziell eine geringe Zustimmung in der Bev{\"o}lkerung erfahren, wobei die Lastenverteilung keinen sichtbaren Einfluss auf die Bev{\"o}lkerungsakzeptanz hat. Maßnahmen, die in der Bev{\"o}lkerung mehrheitlich unterst{\"u}tzt werden, f{\"u}hren nach gegenw{\"a}rtigen Projektionen nur zu geringen Treibhausgasreduktionen, so dass die Erreichung der Klimaziele 2030 ohne kontroverse Maßnahmen wie h{\"o}here CO2-Preise oder einer fl{\"a}chendeckenden Maut unwahrscheinlich ist. Um die Bef{\"u}rwortung von gegenw{\"a}rtig kontroversen Maßnahmen zu erh{\"o}hen, ist es notwendig, sichtbare R{\"u}ckverteilungsmechanismen zu etablieren, Maßnahmen durch gruppenspezifische Kommunikation zu begleiten und die Einf{\"u}hrung von Politikinstrumenten strategisch zu sequenzieren.}, language = {de} } @techreport{FlachslandausdemMooreMuelleretal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Flachsland, Christian and aus dem Moore, Nils and M{\"u}ller, Thorsten and Kemmerzell, J{\"o}rg and Edmondson, Duncan and G{\"o}rlach, Benjamin and Kalkuhl, Matthias and Knodt, Mich{\`e}le and Knopf, Brigitte and Levi, Sebastian and Luderer, Gunnar and Pahle, Michael}, title = {Wie die Governance der deutschen Klimapolitik gest{\"a}rkt werden kann. Ariadne-Kurzdossier.}, pages = {1-26}, abstract = {Von der Sektorkopplung bis zum Wasserstoff, von der Umsetzung des Klimaschutzgesetzes bis hin zum europ{\"a}ischen Green Deal: Um Klimaneutralit{\"a}t zu erreichen, braucht es eine koordinierte und effektive Politiksteuerung {\"u}ber einzelne Ressorts hinweg. Klimapolitik ist Querschnittsaufgabe, denn von der Stromerzeugung {\"u}ber Industrie, Geb{\"a}ude und Verkehr bis hin zur Landwirtschaft m{\"u}ssen alle Sektoren mit hohem Tempo treibhausgasneutral werden. Fachleute des vom Bundesministerium f{\"u}r Bildung und Forschung BMBF gef{\"o}rderten Kopernikus-Projekts Ariadne haben zentrale Probleme der staatlichen Steuerung deutscher Klimapolitik untersucht und L{\"o}sungsoptionen vorgelegt.}, language = {de} } @techreport{FlachslandLevi, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Flachsland, Christian and Levi, Sebastian}, title = {Das deutsche Klimaschutzgesetz: M{\"o}glichkeiten einer sektor{\"u}bergreifenden Klimagovernance. Ariadne-Hintergrund.}, pages = {1-33}, abstract = {Trotz des erheblichen Ausbaus der erneuerbaren Energien in der Vergangenheit hat Deutschland Schwierigkeiten, seine nationalen Klimaschutzziele zu erf{\"u}llen. Als Reaktion darauf hat der Deutsche Bundestag im Jahr 2019 ein nationales Klimaschutzgesetz (KSG) verabschiedet. In diesem Bericht analysieren wir die Governance der deutschen Klimapolitik vor der Verabschiedung des KSG, die wichtigsten Gestaltungselemente des KSG und das Potenzial des KSG, die Integration der deutschen Klimagovernance zu verbessern. Dabei stellen wir fest, dass die deutsche Klimagovernance vor dem KSG nur m{\"a}ßig integriert war. Mit der Einf{\"u}hrung des KSG und der dort spezifizierten Sektorziele wird Klimaschutz jedoch zu einem priorit{\"a}ren Politikziel in allen wirtschaftlichen Sektoren. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus k{\"o}nnen die im KSG beschlossenen Monitorings- und Nachsteuerungs-Bestimmungen dazu f{\"u}hren, dass sektorspezifische Maßnahmen {\"u}ber die Zeit immer besser mit den nationalen Klimaschutz-Zielen abgestimmt werden. Insgesamt f{\"o}rdert das KSG hierbei jedoch eher eine multisektorale als eine sektor{\"u}bergreifende Klimagovernance und vers{\"a}umt es dabei, die Koordinierung zwischen Sektoren und Ministerien zu st{\"a}rken.}, language = {de} } @article{FlachslandLevi, author = {Flachsland, Christian and Levi, Sebastian}, title = {Germany's Federal Climate Change Act}, series = {Environmental Politics}, volume = {30}, journal = {Environmental Politics}, number = {sup1}, doi = {10.1080/09644016.2021.1980288}, pages = {118 -- 140}, abstract = {Despite significant renewable energy expansion in the past, Germany has encountered difficulties in meeting its national greenhouse gas emission targets. In response, Germany adopted the Federal Climate Change Act (CCA) in 2019. We analyze the state of climate governance in Germany before the CCA, the main design elements of the CCA, and assess the potential of the CCA to change German climate governance. Drawing on policy integration theory and 26 semi-structured interviews with senior policymakers and stakeholders, we find that German climate governance before the CCA was only moderately integrated. The sectoral emission targets legislated by the CCA make climate change mitigation a priority sector goal in non-energy sectors, and CCA provisions for monitoring, assessing and implementing policy reforms promise to enhance alignment of instruments with targets over time. Overall, the CCA advances a multi- rather than cross-sector climate governance, failing to advance coordination across sectors and ministries.}, language = {en} } @techreport{EdmondsonFlachslandausdemMooreetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Edmondson, Duncan and Flachsland, Christian and aus dem Moore, Nils and Koch, Nicolas and Koller, Florian and Gruhl, Henri and Brehm, Johannes and Levi, Sebastian}, title = {Bewertung klimapolitischer Instrumentenmix-Pfade - Eine Anwendung auf leichte Nutzfahrzeuge in Deutschland}, publisher = {Kopernikus-Projekt Ariadne}, address = {Potsdam}, pages = {156}, language = {de} } @techreport{FlachslandSteckelJakobetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Flachsland, Christian and Steckel, Jan and Jakob, Michael and Fahl, Ulrich and Feist, Marian and G{\"o}rlach, Benjamin and K{\"u}hner, Ann-Kathrin and T{\"a}nzler, Dennis and Zeller, Marie}, title = {Eckpunkte zur Entwicklung einer Klimaaußenpolitikstrategie Deutschlands}, publisher = {Kopernikus-Projekt Ariadne}, address = {Potsdam}, pages = {38}, abstract = {Eine koh{\"a}rente Klimaaußenpolitik (KAP) Deutschlands ist essentiell f{\"u}r das Gelingen sowohl der nationalen und europ{\"a}ischen Energiewende als auch f{\"u}r die effektive Unterst{\"u}tzung ambitionierter Klimapolitik außerhalb der Europ{\"a}ischen Union. Ziel dieses Ariadne-Hintergrundpapiers ist es, einen Diskussionsbeitrag zur Strukturierung der Debatte um die Eckpunkte und Optionen zur Ausarbeitung und Weiterentwicklung der deutschen KAP-Strategie zu leisten. Dazu werden vier Kategorien relevanter Ziele unterschieden. Diese reichen von klassischen klimapolitischen Zielen {\"u}ber industriepolitische sowie sicherheits- und handelspolitische Ziele hin zu breiteren außenpolitischen Zielen. F{\"u}r jedes Ziel m{\"u}ssen entsprechende Mittel identifiziert werden, mit denen es erreicht werden kann, und Barrieren, die ihm im Weg stehen und entsprechend bedacht werden m{\"u}ssen. F{\"u}r die Charakterisierung und Analyse verschiedener Mittel werden f{\"u}nf Kategorien vorgeschlagen. Eine zentrale, aber in der Bewertung konzeptionell und empirisch herausfordernde Kategorie ist dabei das Transformationspotenzial einer Maßnahme. Im Fall von Zielkonflikten und begrenzten Ressourcen m{\"u}ssen Ziele priorisiert werden. Wir skizzieren daf{\"u}r einen analytischen Rahmen und diskutieren illustrativ m{\"o}gliche Optionen zur strategischen Gesamtausrichtung. Diese umfassen zum einen KAP-Gesamtstrategien von Staaten gegen{\"u}ber allen anderen L{\"a}ndern, und zum anderen Strategien f{\"u}r spezifische Staaten (z.B. die deutsche Strategie f{\"u}r den Umgang mit Indien oder S{\"u}dafrika). Dabei k{\"o}nnen Strategien in einem Kontinuum von maximaler Priorisierung von Klimazielen (Klimapolitik First) bis hin zur nachrangigen Behandlung (Klimapolitik als Mittel zum Zweck) verortet und entsprechend ausgestaltet werden. Neben den Inhalten der Strategie werden Fragen der Organisation und Koordination in der Entwicklung und Implementierung der KAP-Strategie in den Blick genommen und die n{\"a}chsten Schritte diskutiert. Eine erfolgreiche KAP-Strategie sollte dabei von Beginn an zwischen zentralen Stakeholdern im In- und Ausland in jeweils geeigneten Formaten erarbeitet, implementiert und im Sinne eines Lernprozesses fortlaufend angepasst werden. Eine KAP sollte sich in die breitere Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik Deutschlands einf{\"u}gen, da relevante Politikfelder auf verschiedenen Ebenen eng miteinander verbunden sind. Bei der Erarbeitung der neuen KAP-Strategie der Bundesregierung sollte dazu insbesondere auf Koh{\"a}renz zur deutschen Sicherheits- und der Chinastrategie geachtet werden. Grundlage der Strategieentwicklung ist die Kl{\"a}rung m{\"o}glicher Ziele und Mittel der deutschen KAP und ihrer Wechselwirkungen miteinander. Eine KAP-Strategie muss durch Analysen zu Umsetzbarkeit und Kosten, politischen Widerst{\"a}nden und Zielkonflikten informiert sein und die normativen Vorgaben der deutschen Außenpolitik ber{\"u}cksichtigen.}, language = {de} } @techreport{ZwarEdenhoferRuzelyteetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Zwar, Claudia and Edenhofer, Jacob and Ruzelyte, Victoria and Edmondson, Duncan and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Mapping variation in institutions for climate policymaking - Climate institutions in Germany, the United Kingdom, Sweden, and Australia}, publisher = {Kopernikus-Projekt Ariadne}, address = {Potsdam}, pages = {91}, language = {en} } @techreport{SchlackeKnodtFlachslandetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Schlacke, Sabine and Knodt, Mich{\`e}le and Flachsland, Christian and M{\"u}ller, Thorsten and Findeisen, Francesco and Kemmerzell, J{\"o}rg and Maruschke, Jana and Plate, Christoph and Sulerz, Julia and Thierjung, Eva-Maria}, title = {Die Handlungsf{\"a}higkeit des deutschen Staates in der Klima- und Energiepolitik}, publisher = {Kopernikus-Projekt Ariadne}, address = {Potsdam}, doi = {10.48485/pik.2025.014}, pages = {13}, language = {de} } @techreport{FlachslandEdenhoferZwar, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Flachsland, Christian and Edenhofer, Jacob and Zwar, Claudia}, title = {Eine vertane Chance, aber keine Katastrophe: Die Novelle des Bundes-Klimaschutzgesetzes}, series = {Verfassungsblog}, journal = {Verfassungsblog}, number = {2024/05/06}, doi = {10.59704/2c0758cc33ed9dc3}, language = {de} } @article{CallaghanBanischDoebbelingHildebrandtetal., author = {Callaghan, Max and Banisch, Lucy and Doebbeling-Hildebrandt, Niklas and Edmondson, Duncan and Flachsland, Christian and Lamb, William F. and Levi, Sebastian and M{\"u}ller-Hansen, Finn and Posada, Eduardo and Vasudevan, Shraddha and Minx, Jan C.}, title = {Machine learning map of climate policy literature reveals disparities between scientific attention, policy density, and emissions}, series = {npj Climate Action}, volume = {4}, journal = {npj Climate Action}, publisher = {Springer Science and Business Media LLC}, issn = {2731-9814}, doi = {10.1038/s44168-024-00196-0}, abstract = {Current climate mitigation policies are not sufficient to meet the Paris temperature target, and ramping up efforts will require rapid learning from the scientific literature on climate policies. This literature is vast and widely dispersed, as well as hard to define and categorise, hampering systematic efforts to learn from it. We use a machine learning pipeline using transformer-based language models to systematically map the relevant scientific literature on climate policies at scale and in real-time. Our "living systematic map" of climate policy research features a set of 84,990 papers, and classifies each of them by policy instrument type, sector, and geography. We explore how the distribution of these papers varies across countries, and compare this to the distribution of emissions and enacted climate policies. Results suggests a potential stark under-representation of industry sector policies, as well as diverging attention between science and policy with respect to economic and regulatory instruments.}, language = {en} } @article{EdmondsonFlachslandausdemMooreetal., author = {Edmondson, Duncan and Flachsland, Christian and aus dem Moore, Nils and Koch, Nicolas and Koller, Florian and Gruhl, Henri and Brehm, Johannes}, title = {Anticipatory climate policy mix pathways: a framework for ex-ante construction and assessment applied to the road transport sector}, series = {Climate Policy}, journal = {Climate Policy}, issn = {1469-3062}, doi = {10.1080/14693062.2024.2397440}, language = {en} } @article{EdenhoferFlachsland, author = {Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian}, title = {Eckpunkte einer CO2-Preisreform f{\"u}r Deutschland}, edition = {MCC Working paper 1/2018}, publisher = {Potsdam-Institut f{\"u}r Klimafolgenforschung \& Mercator Research Institute on Global Commons and Climate Change (MCC) gemeinn{\"u}tzige GmbH}, pages = {23}, abstract = {.}, language = {de} } @article{LeipprandFlachslandPahle, author = {Leipprand, Anna and Flachsland, Christian and Pahle, Michael}, title = {Energy transition on the rise : discourses on energy future in the German parliament}, series = {Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research}, journal = {Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research}, number = {3}, publisher = {30}, doi = {10.1080/13511610.2016.1215241}, pages = {283 -- 305}, abstract = {In this paper we describe energy policy discourses and their story-lines in German parliamentary debates, and trace their evolution over the past decades. Through content analysis and coding with MAXQDA, changes in the discourses and in the use of story-lines by different political parties are analyzed. Our study shows that while the concept of a transition towards a nuclear-free, renewables-based energy system became hegemonic within three decades, the discourse itself underwent major changes. Energy Transition was de-radicalized and became part of a discourse of Ecological Modernization, thus aligning with mainstream economic logic. There are still considerable differences in the story-lines narrated by parliamentarians about pathways to Energy Transition and its effects. Discursive struggles into the meaning and the means of the transition project continue, suggesting that discourse structuration is far from complete.}, language = {en} } @article{DoebbelingHildebrandtMierschKhannaetal., author = {D{\"o}bbeling-Hildebrandt, Niklas and Miersch, Klaas and Khanna, Tarun M. and Bachelet, Marion and Bruns, Stephan B. and Callaghan, Max and Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian and Forster, Piers M. and Kalkuhl, Matthias and Koch, Nicolas and Lamb, William F. and Ohlendorf, Nils and Steckel, Jan Christoph and Minx, Jan C.}, title = {Systematic review and meta-analysis of ex-post evaluations on the effectiveness of carbon pricing}, series = {Nature Communications}, volume = {15}, journal = {Nature Communications}, publisher = {Springer Science and Business Media LLC}, issn = {2041-1723}, doi = {10.1038/s41467-024-48512-w}, abstract = {Today, more than 70 carbon pricing schemes have been implemented around the globe, but their contributions to emissions reductions remains a subject of heated debate in science and policy. Here we assess the effectiveness of carbon pricing in reducing emissions using a rigorous, machine-learning assisted systematic review and meta-analysis. Based on 483 effect sizes extracted from 80 causal ex-post evaluations across 21 carbon pricing schemes, we find that introducing a carbon price has yielded immediate and substantial emission reductions for at least 17 of these policies, despite the low level of prices in most instances. Statistically significant emissions reductions range between -5\% to -21\% across the schemes (-4\% to -15\% after correcting for publication bias). Our study highlights critical evidence gaps with regard to dozens of unevaluated carbon pricing schemes and the price elasticity of emissions reductions. More rigorous synthesis of carbon pricing and other climate policies is required across a range of outcomes to advance our understanding of "what works" and accelerate learning on climate solutions in science and policy.}, language = {en} } @article{AmbergausdemMooreBekketal., author = {Amberg, Maximilian and aus dem Moore, Nils and Bekk, Anke and Bergmann, Tobias and Edenhofer, Ottmar and Flachsland, Christian and George, Jan and Haywood, Luke and Heinemann, Maik and Held, Anne and Kalkuhl, Matthias and Kellner, Maximilian and Koch, Nicolas and Luderer, Gunnar and Meyer, Henrika and Nikodinoska, Dragana and Pahle, Michael and Roolfs, Christina and Schill, Wolf-Peter}, title = {Reformoptionen f{\"u}r ein nachhaltiges Steuer- und Abgabensystem. Wie Lenkungssteuern effektiv und gerecht f{\"u}r den Klima- und Umweltschutz ausgestaltet werden k{\"o}nnen}, series = {Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik}, volume = {23}, journal = {Perspektiven der Wirtschaftspolitik}, number = {3}, doi = {10.1515/pwp-2021-0051}, pages = {165 -- 199}, abstract = {Steuern und Abgaben auf Produkte oder Verbrauch mit gesellschaftlichen Folgekosten (externe Kosten) - sogenannte Pigou- oder Lenkungssteuern - sind ein gesellschaftliches „Win-Win-Instrument". Sie verbessern die Wohlfahrt und sch{\"u}tzen gleichzeitig die Umwelt und das Klima. Dies wird erreicht, indem umweltsch{\"a}digende Aktivit{\"a}ten einen Preis bekommen, der m{\"o}glichst exakt der H{\"o}he des Schadens entspricht. Eine konsequente Bepreisung der externen Kosten nach diesem Prinzip k{\"o}nnte in Deutschland erhebliche zus{\"a}tzliche Einnahmen erbringen: Basierend auf bisherigen Studien zu externen Kosten w{\"a}ren zus{\"a}tzliche Einnahmen in der Gr{\"o}ßenordnung von 348 bis 564 Milliarden Euro pro Jahr (44 bis 71 Prozent der gesamten Steuereinnahmen) m{\"o}glich. Die Autoren warnen allerdings, dass die Bezifferung der externen Kosten mit erheblichen Unsicherheiten verbunden ist. Damit Lenkungssteuern und -abgaben ihre positiven Lenkungs- und Wohlstandseffekte voll entfalten k{\"o}nnen, seien zudem institutionelle Reformen notwendig.}, language = {de} }