@book{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The Quest for Good Governance: How Societies Develop Control of Corruption}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {Cambridge}, isbn = {978-1-107-11392-3}, pages = {309}, abstract = {Why do some societies manage to control corruption so that it manifests itself only occasionally, while other societies remain systemically corrupt? This book is about how societies reach that point when integrity becomes the norm and corruption the exception in regard to how public affairs are run and public resources are allocated. It primarily asks what lessons we have learned from historical and contemporary experiences in developing corruption control, which can aid policy-makers and civil societies in steering and expediting this process. Few states now remain without either an anticorruption agency or an Ombudsman, yet no statistical evidence can be found that they actually induce progress. Using both historical and contemporary studies and easy to understand statistics, Alina Mungiu-Pippidi looks at how to diagnose, measure and change governance so that those entrusted with power and authority manage to defend public resources. The Quest for Good Governance presents a comprehensive empirical theory of governance unifying important disparate contributions in the areas of corruption, quality of government and rule of law and is the first attempt to directly answer the big question of what explains virtuous circles in good governance. It features research and policy tools to diagnose and build contextualized national strategies.}, language = {en} } @misc{MungiuPippidiBozziniFazekasetal., author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Bozzini, Alessandro and Fazekas, Mih{\´a}ly and Gutierr{\´e}z Chvalkovsk{\´a}, Jana and Khatib, Lina and King, Lawrence Peter and Skuhrovec, Jiř{\´i} and Stefanov, Ruslan and Stoyanov, Alexander and J{\´a}nos T{\´o}th, Istv{\´a}n and Velcheva, Boryana and Wilson, Andrew}, title = {The Anticorruption Frontline}, series = {The Anticorruption Report}, volume = {2}, journal = {The Anticorruption Report}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, publisher = {Barbara Budrich Publishers}, address = {Leverkusen Opladen}, isbn = {978-3-8474-0144-5}, pages = {128}, abstract = {From Turkey to Egypt, Bulgaria to Ukraine, and Brazil to India, we witness the rise of an angry urban middle class protesting against what they see as fundamental corruption of their political regimes, perceived as predatory and inefficient. Corruption is near the top of all global protesters' list of grievances - from the Occupy movement to the Arab Spring. Their countries have benefited to varying degrees from globalization, but their regimes have all failed to evolve politically to meet their expectations. Corruption has become the main explanation for failures in government performance, for networks of patrons and clients subverting fair competition, and for billions of Euro in disappearing public funds, national or foreign assistance income. The economic crisis exposed the hypocrisy of rich countries which control corruption at home but use it to advance their economic interests abroad. The rise in the last two decades of an international anti-corruption regime only raised awareness but failed so far to diminish corruption. There is increasing demand for good governance resulting in quality education and health systems, and denunciation of sheer bread and circus populism. Volume 2 of the ANTICORRP Anticorruption Report tackles these issues across key cases and developments. The report is grouped into three parts: 1. The frontline reports, tracing developments in Ukraine and Bulgaria, where people rebelled against corrupt leaders, plus Rwanda and Qatar, who advanced in good governance charts, but find themselves accused of sponsoring wars across borders or bribing FIFA officials; 2. The methodology to move beyond perception-based corruption indicators, in the form of a three-country study on procurement data which reveals how EU funds increase the risk of corruption in Central Europe; 3. The empirical evidence on why control of corruption works when it does, and does not work for the most part, in the shortened version of ANTICORRP's first milestone report.}, language = {en} } @book{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {A Tale of Two Villages. Coerced Modernization in the East European Countryside}, publisher = {Central European University Press}, address = {Budapest}, isbn = {978-963-9776-78-4}, pages = {232}, abstract = {A non-fiction book about the social engineering operated in rural Eastern Europe by the Communist regime, based on the history of two villages in Romania. One of the two villages is the birthplace of Nicolae Ceausescu, the former Communist dictator, Scornicesti, which received massive investment during communist years and was turned into a mixture of underdeveloped village and industrial town. The other is Nucsoara, the Carpathian cradle of peasants' resistance against Communism, where half the village was executed or imprisoned and their lands divided between the other half. The state intervention failed in both villages to attain the planned objectives, but it nevertheless changed fundamentally the life of villagers. This book is mostly about the consequences of unlimited state power over people and communities.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The Splintering of Postcommunist Europe}, series = {Journal of Democracy}, volume = {26}, journal = {Journal of Democracy}, number = {1}, editor = {Diamond, Larry and Plattner, Marc F.}, publisher = {Johns Hopkins University Press}, address = {Baltimore}, issn = {1045-5736}, pages = {88 -- 100}, abstract = {There are two radically different versions of the postcommunist narrative. One tells the triumphal tale of the only world region in which the reforms recommended by the "Washington consensus" worked. The other and more realistic account speaks of a historic window of opportunity that lasted for only a quarter-century, during which efforts by the West and patriotic elites of Central and Eastern Europe managed to drag the region into Europe proper, leaving Europe and Russia pitted against each other along the old "civilizational" border between them. This essay argues that while Institutional choices matter in the postcommunist world, geopolitical and civilizational boundaries still set the horizons of political possibility.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The Legacies of 1989: The Transformative Power of Europe}, series = {Journal of Democracy}, volume = {25}, journal = {Journal of Democracy}, number = {1}, editor = {Diamond, Larry and Plattner, Marc F.}, publisher = {Johns Hopkins University Press}, address = {Baltimore}, issn = {1045-5736}, pages = {20 -- 32}, abstract = {Why has the EU succeeded in promoting democracy in the new member states but failed in promoting good governance? This essay seeks to answer this question first by distinguishing governance from political regimes, and second by exploring to what extent national governance—which is defined as the set of formal and informal institutions that determine who gets what in a given country—is susceptible to being improved by external pressure or intervention. It concludes that improving governance remains a challenge even for the democratic character of the European project.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Controlling Corruption Through Collective Action}, series = {Journal of Democracy}, volume = {24}, journal = {Journal of Democracy}, number = {1}, editor = {Diamond, Larry and Plattner, Marc F.}, publisher = {Johns Hopkins University Press}, address = {Baltimore}, issn = {1045-5736}, pages = {101 -- 115}, abstract = {Control of corruption in a society is an equilibrium between resources and costs which either empowers or constraints elites predatory behavior. While most research and practice focuses on legal constraints, this paper investigates normative constraints, deemed to be more important, especially civil society and the press. Fresh evidence—both historical and statistical—is found to support Tocqueville's assertions regarding the importance of collective action and the joint action of media and associations in not only creating a democratic society, but controlling corruption as well. However, little is known on how to build normative constraints.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Becoming Denmark: Historical Designs of Corruption Control}, series = {Social Research: An International Quarterly}, volume = {80}, journal = {Social Research: An International Quarterly}, number = {4}, editor = {Mack, Arien}, publisher = {The Johns Hopkins University Press}, address = {Baltimore}, issn = {0037-783X}, pages = {1259 -- 1286}, abstract = {This paper conceptualizes public corruption as part of a broader social order context. It argues that corruption should not be conceived of as a social 'malady' to be eradicated, but rather as a default governance regime. People naturally favor their own, be it family, clan, race or ethnic group: treating the rest of the world fairly seems to be a matter of extensive social evolution and sufficient resources. Very few societies have evolved from this natural state of affairs to produce a state which can be expected to treat everyone equally and fairly, and to put public above private interest, when entrusted with the management of common affairs and resources. The paper surveys the approaches to anticorruption of three distinct political regimes, monarchy, medieval republic and modern democracy to conclude that current anticorruption should be conceptualized as solving collective action problems rather than as repression of deviance.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidiAnagnostou, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Anagnostou, Dia}, title = {Domestic Implementation of Human Rights Judgments in Europe: Legal Infrastructure and Government Effectiveness Matter}, series = {The European Journal of International Law}, volume = {25}, journal = {The European Journal of International Law}, number = {1}, editor = {Weiler, Joseph}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0938-5428}, doi = {10.1093/ejil/chu001}, pages = {205 -- 227}, abstract = {Over the past couple of years, international law and international relations scholarship has shifted its focus from the question of whether human rights treaties bring any state-level improvements at all to investigations in the domestic context of the factors and dynamics influencing state compliance. In this direction, and focusing on the European Court of Human Rights, this study inquires into the factors that account for variable patterns of state compliance with its judgments. Why do national authorities in some states adopt a more prompt and responsive attitude in implementing these judgments, in contrast to other states that procrastinate or respond reluctantly? On the basis of a large-N study of the Strasbourg Court's judgments and a comparison across nine states, this article argues that variation in state implementation performance is closely linked to the overall legal infrastructure capacity and government effectiveness of a state. When such capacity and effectiveness are high and diffused, the adverse judgments of the Strasbourg Court are unlikely to be obstructed or ignored, even when the government, political elites, or other actors are reluctant and not in favour of substantive remedies.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Good governance powers innovation}, series = {Nature}, volume = {518}, journal = {Nature}, number = {7539}, editor = {Campbell, Philip}, issn = {0028-0836}, pages = {295 -- 297}, abstract = {Many believe innovation can lead the way out of the present economic crisis. In Europe and the United States leaders have repeatedly referred to the importance of innovation, research and education to sustaining economic growth. The concept that innovation is the key to prosperity is great- but we must understand that this applies to a certain governance context which is seldom encountered in the real world.}, language = {en} } @book{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Transitions to Good Governance : creating Virtuous Circles of Anti-Corruption}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Johnston, Michael}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK; Northhampton, MA, USA}, isbn = {9781786439147; 9781786439161}, pages = {301}, abstract = {Why have so few countries managed to leave systematic corruption behind, while in many others modernization is still a mere fa{\c{c}}ade? How do we escape the trap of corruption, to reach a governance system based on ethical universalism? In this unique book, Alina Mungiu-Pippidi and Michael Johnston lead a team of eminent researchers on an illuminating path towards deconstructing the few virtuous circles in contemporary governance. The book combines a solid theoretical framework with quantitative evidence and case studies from around the world. While extracting lessons to be learned from the success cases covered, Transitions to Good Governance avoids being prescriptive and successfully contributes to the understanding of virtuous circles in contemporary good governance.}, language = {en} } @misc{MungiuPippidiDadašovDrapalovaetal., author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Dadašov, Ramin and Drapalova, Eliska and Mendelski, Martin}, title = {Beyond the Panama Papers : the Performance of EU Good Governance Promotion}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Warkotsch, Jana}, publisher = {Barbara Budrich Publishers}, address = {Opladen, Berlin, Toronto}, isbn = {978-3-8474-0582-5}, pages = {127}, abstract = {This last title in the series covers the most important findings of the five years EU sponsored ANTICORRP project dealing with corruption and organized crime. How prone to corruption are EU funds? Has EU managed to improve governance in the countries that it assists? Using the new index of public integrity and a variety of other tools created in the project this issue looks at how EU funds and norms affected old member states (like Spain), new member states (Slovakia, Romania), accession countries (Turkey) and the countries recipient of development funds (Egypt, Tanzania, Tunisia). The data covers over a decade of structural and development funds, and the findings show the challenges to changing governance across borders, the different paths that each country has experienced and suggest avenues of reforming development aid for improving governance.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The time has come for evidence-based anticorruption}, series = {Nature Human Behaviour}, volume = {1}, journal = {Nature Human Behaviour}, number = {0011}, editor = {Kousta, Stavroula}, issn = {2397-3374}, doi = {10.1038/s41562-016-0011}, abstract = {Despite significant investment, contemporary anticorruption efforts have failed to be effective. A new index — the Index of Public Integrity — offers a transparent, evidence-based approach to controlling corruption and measuring progress.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The Quest for Good Governance: Learning from Virtuous Circles}, series = {Journal of Democracy}, volume = {27}, journal = {Journal of Democracy}, number = {1}, editor = {Diamond, Larry and Plattner, Marc F.}, issn = {1045-5736}, pages = {95 -- 109}, abstract = {Once of interest mainly to specialists, the problem of explaining how institutions change is now a primary concern not only of economists, but of the international donor community as well. Many have come to believe that political institutions are decisive in shaping economic institutions and, with them, the course of innovation and investment that leads to a developed society. This is the shift from patrimonialism to ethical universalism, a transformation that most of today's advanced democracies accomplished through a long historical evolution. But there has been very little research on whether and how this kind of change can be engineered and speeded up by human design. The EU-funded ANTICORRP project that I have been leading aims to help fill this gap. The big challenge is to explain the shift of the governance paradigm from particularism to universalism in the few societies that have managed to accomplish it in the postwar era. Do these success stories offer any lessons about how other societies can make that journey?}, language = {en} } @misc{MungiuPippidiBratuCharronetal., author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Bratu, Roxana and Charron, Nicholas and Dimulescu, Valentina and Doroftei, Madalina and Fazekas, Mih{\´a}ly and Kasemets, Aare and King, Lawrence Peter and Martinez Barranco Kukutschka, Roberto and Pop, Raluca and T{\´o}th, Istv{\´a}n J{\´a}nos}, title = {Controlling Corruption in Europe}, series = {The Anticorruption Report}, volume = {1}, journal = {The Anticorruption Report}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, publisher = {Budrich}, address = {Opladen}, isbn = {978-3-8474-0125-4}, pages = {128}, abstract = {Corruption has an impact. It is about time that anticorruption starts having an impact, too. This is the first annual policy report of the European Seventh Framework Research Project ANTICORRP, which has started in 2012 and will continue until 2018. Based on the work of 21 different research centers and universities gathering original data, ANTICORRP offers yearly updates on the latest from corruption research, analyzing both the consequences of corruption and the impact of policies attempting to curb it. This first report offers a methodology to evaluate corruption risk and quality of government at country, region and sector level by means of corruption indicators that are sensitive to change and policy intervention. The aim of the project is to offer testable, easy to handle policies which reduce corruption risk. Corruption distorts market competition, bolsters deficits on behalf of discretionary spending, hurts real investment in public health and education, reduces tax collection, detriments the absorption rate of EU funds, and generates vulnerable employment and brain drain. This study estimates that if EU member states would all manage to control corruption at the Danish level, tax collection in Europe would increase by 323 billion Euro per year - double of the EU budget for 2013.}, language = {en} } @misc{MuhittinDavidBarrettDimulescuetal., author = {Muhittin, Acar and David-Barrett, Elizabeth and Dimulescu, Valentina and Doroftei, Madalina and Emek, Uğur and Fazekas, Mih{\´a}ly and Karaboev, Stefan and Andr{\´a}s Luk{\´a}cs, P{\´e}ter and Mart{\´i}nez Barranco Kukutschka, Roberto and Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Podumljak, Munir and Sberna, Salvatore and Stefanov, Ruslan and J{\´a}nos T{\´o}th, Istv{\´a}n and Vannucci, Alberto and Wilson, Andrew and Yalamov, Todor}, title = {Government Favouritism in Europe}, series = {The Anticorruption Report}, volume = {3}, journal = {The Anticorruption Report}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, publisher = {Budrich}, address = {Opladen}, isbn = {978-3-8474-0795-9}, pages = {126}, abstract = {This volume on Government Favouritism in Europe reunites the fieldwork of 2014-2015 in the ANTICORRP project. It is entirely based on objective indicators and offers both quantitative and qualitative assessments of the linkage between political corruption and organised crime using statistics on spending, procurement contract data and judicial data. The methodology used in the analysis of particularism of public resource distribution is applicable to any other country where procurement data can be made available and opens the door to a better understanding and control of both systemic corruption and political finance.}, language = {en} } @misc{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Ottomans into Europeans: State and Institution-building in South Eastern Europe}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Van Meurs, Wim}, publisher = {C. Hurst \& Co Publishers Ltd}, address = {London}, isbn = {9781849040747}, pages = {360}, abstract = {While many histories of the Balkans have been published, some very good and others poor, there is as yet no history of institutions in the Balkans. This is what the contributors to Ottomans into European offer the reader: a history of the most salient political institutions of the region: bureaucracies, judiciaries, democratic elections, free media, local and central government - and their frequently strained relations with traditional institutions. They also examine the selection, evolution, and performance of institutions in the post-Ottoman Balkans, and try to account for variations throughout the region. In writing this institutional history of the Balkans the contributors set themselves two key questions: did the post-Ottoman wave of Europeanization and Western-type institution building fail in the Balkans, and does this explain the region's continuing political fragility? And if this is the case, are there underlying structural determinants explaining that failure which might manifest themselves again in present attempts to re-integrate the region, from Turkey to Albania?}, language = {en} } @incollection{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Corruption: Political and Public Aspects}, series = {International Encyclopedia of the Social \& Behavioral Sciences}, booktitle = {International Encyclopedia of the Social \& Behavioral Sciences}, edition = {2}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Amsterdam}, isbn = {9780080970868}, pages = {12 -- 20}, abstract = {The interest of social science, media, and policymakers for corruption has exploded after 1990 due to increasing evidence that corruption is accountable for poor growth and chronic underdevelopment. This had impressive policy consequences: by 2012, no less than 161 state parties had adopted the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), which was put into force on 14 December 2005. This article discusses the various conceptualizations of corruption as an individual behavior as well as a governance regime (particularism), the evolution of Western thought until the adoption of ethical universalism as universal governance norm (with UNCAC) and the performance of countries in establishing control of corruption in historical and contemporary times.}, language = {en} } @incollection{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {A House of Cards? Building the Rule of Law in East Central Europe.}, series = {The Western Balkans and the EU : "the hour of Europe"}, booktitle = {The Western Balkans and the EU : "the hour of Europe"}, editor = {Rupnik, Jacques}, edition = {Chaillot Papers No. 126}, publisher = {European Union Institute for Security Studies}, address = {Paris}, isbn = {978-92-9198-187-8}, doi = {10.2139/ssrn.1686644}, pages = {145 -- 162}, abstract = {This paper assesses the ten years of experience of East Central European (ECE) with the reform of the judiciary in view of EU accession. The paper examines in depth the cases where the challenges to rule of law and the EU conditionality were both at a maximum to generate some explanations (Romania, and Bulgaria in particular). It then proceeds to test the chief explanatory factors in a quantitative model of rule of law on the 28 postcommunist cases, concluding that democracy, and not organization or logistics is the most important determinant of rule of law.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {For a New Generation of Objective Indicators in Governance and Corruption Studies}, series = {European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research}, volume = {22}, journal = {European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research}, number = {3}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, issn = {0928-1371}, pages = {363 -- 367}, abstract = {While the last twenty years have seen the development of global rankings for corruption, allowing comparison between countries and shaming of corrupt governments, the measurements remain based largely on the perceptions of experts, and so lack both specificity and transparency. New research, based on a comprehensive theory of governance defined as the set of formal and informal institutions determining "who gets what" in a given context, allows for more specific and objective, albeit indirect, measurement of control of corruption. To uncover the institutional setting which empowers public integrity, such research tests numerous anti-corruption tools and good governance strategies in a comparative framework. The end result is an evidence-based national framework for control of corruption and a clear measure able to indicate both current status and change in corruption control from year to year or as a result of policy intervention.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidiDadašov, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Dadašov, Ramin}, title = {Measuring Control of Corruption by a New Index of Public Integrity}, series = {European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research}, volume = {22}, journal = {European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research}, number = {3}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, issn = {0928-1371}, pages = {415 -- 438}, abstract = {While the last 20 years saw the invention of corruption rankings, allowing comparison between countries and the shaming of corrupt governments, such measurements are largely based on the perceptions of experts, lacking both specificity and transparency. New research, based on a comprehensive theory of governance defined as the set of formal and informal institutions determining who gets what in a given context, allow for more specific and objective, albeit indirect, measurements of control of corruption. Such measurements focus on the institutional framework which empowers public integrity and eliminates many current anti-corruption tools, while validating others. Most importantly, it provides a broader specific context which can empower reforms based on evidence and a clear measure to determine status and progress of corruption control.}, language = {en} }