@book{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The Quest for Good Governance: How Societies Develop Control of Corruption}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {Cambridge}, isbn = {978-1-107-11392-3}, pages = {309}, abstract = {Why do some societies manage to control corruption so that it manifests itself only occasionally, while other societies remain systemically corrupt? This book is about how societies reach that point when integrity becomes the norm and corruption the exception in regard to how public affairs are run and public resources are allocated. It primarily asks what lessons we have learned from historical and contemporary experiences in developing corruption control, which can aid policy-makers and civil societies in steering and expediting this process. Few states now remain without either an anticorruption agency or an Ombudsman, yet no statistical evidence can be found that they actually induce progress. Using both historical and contemporary studies and easy to understand statistics, Alina Mungiu-Pippidi looks at how to diagnose, measure and change governance so that those entrusted with power and authority manage to defend public resources. The Quest for Good Governance presents a comprehensive empirical theory of governance unifying important disparate contributions in the areas of corruption, quality of government and rule of law and is the first attempt to directly answer the big question of what explains virtuous circles in good governance. It features research and policy tools to diagnose and build contextualized national strategies.}, language = {en} } @misc{MungiuPippidiBozziniFazekasetal., author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Bozzini, Alessandro and Fazekas, Mih{\´a}ly and Gutierr{\´e}z Chvalkovsk{\´a}, Jana and Khatib, Lina and King, Lawrence Peter and Skuhrovec, Jiř{\´i} and Stefanov, Ruslan and Stoyanov, Alexander and J{\´a}nos T{\´o}th, Istv{\´a}n and Velcheva, Boryana and Wilson, Andrew}, title = {The Anticorruption Frontline}, series = {The Anticorruption Report}, volume = {2}, journal = {The Anticorruption Report}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, publisher = {Barbara Budrich Publishers}, address = {Leverkusen Opladen}, isbn = {978-3-8474-0144-5}, pages = {128}, abstract = {From Turkey to Egypt, Bulgaria to Ukraine, and Brazil to India, we witness the rise of an angry urban middle class protesting against what they see as fundamental corruption of their political regimes, perceived as predatory and inefficient. Corruption is near the top of all global protesters' list of grievances - from the Occupy movement to the Arab Spring. Their countries have benefited to varying degrees from globalization, but their regimes have all failed to evolve politically to meet their expectations. Corruption has become the main explanation for failures in government performance, for networks of patrons and clients subverting fair competition, and for billions of Euro in disappearing public funds, national or foreign assistance income. The economic crisis exposed the hypocrisy of rich countries which control corruption at home but use it to advance their economic interests abroad. The rise in the last two decades of an international anti-corruption regime only raised awareness but failed so far to diminish corruption. There is increasing demand for good governance resulting in quality education and health systems, and denunciation of sheer bread and circus populism. Volume 2 of the ANTICORRP Anticorruption Report tackles these issues across key cases and developments. The report is grouped into three parts: 1. The frontline reports, tracing developments in Ukraine and Bulgaria, where people rebelled against corrupt leaders, plus Rwanda and Qatar, who advanced in good governance charts, but find themselves accused of sponsoring wars across borders or bribing FIFA officials; 2. The methodology to move beyond perception-based corruption indicators, in the form of a three-country study on procurement data which reveals how EU funds increase the risk of corruption in Central Europe; 3. The empirical evidence on why control of corruption works when it does, and does not work for the most part, in the shortened version of ANTICORRP's first milestone report.}, language = {en} } @book{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {A Tale of Two Villages. Coerced Modernization in the East European Countryside}, publisher = {Central European University Press}, address = {Budapest}, isbn = {978-963-9776-78-4}, pages = {232}, abstract = {A non-fiction book about the social engineering operated in rural Eastern Europe by the Communist regime, based on the history of two villages in Romania. One of the two villages is the birthplace of Nicolae Ceausescu, the former Communist dictator, Scornicesti, which received massive investment during communist years and was turned into a mixture of underdeveloped village and industrial town. The other is Nucsoara, the Carpathian cradle of peasants' resistance against Communism, where half the village was executed or imprisoned and their lands divided between the other half. The state intervention failed in both villages to attain the planned objectives, but it nevertheless changed fundamentally the life of villagers. This book is mostly about the consequences of unlimited state power over people and communities.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The Splintering of Postcommunist Europe}, series = {Journal of Democracy}, volume = {26}, journal = {Journal of Democracy}, number = {1}, editor = {Diamond, Larry and Plattner, Marc F.}, publisher = {Johns Hopkins University Press}, address = {Baltimore}, issn = {1045-5736}, pages = {88 -- 100}, abstract = {There are two radically different versions of the postcommunist narrative. One tells the triumphal tale of the only world region in which the reforms recommended by the "Washington consensus" worked. The other and more realistic account speaks of a historic window of opportunity that lasted for only a quarter-century, during which efforts by the West and patriotic elites of Central and Eastern Europe managed to drag the region into Europe proper, leaving Europe and Russia pitted against each other along the old "civilizational" border between them. This essay argues that while Institutional choices matter in the postcommunist world, geopolitical and civilizational boundaries still set the horizons of political possibility.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The Legacies of 1989: The Transformative Power of Europe}, series = {Journal of Democracy}, volume = {25}, journal = {Journal of Democracy}, number = {1}, editor = {Diamond, Larry and Plattner, Marc F.}, publisher = {Johns Hopkins University Press}, address = {Baltimore}, issn = {1045-5736}, pages = {20 -- 32}, abstract = {Why has the EU succeeded in promoting democracy in the new member states but failed in promoting good governance? This essay seeks to answer this question first by distinguishing governance from political regimes, and second by exploring to what extent national governance—which is defined as the set of formal and informal institutions that determine who gets what in a given country—is susceptible to being improved by external pressure or intervention. It concludes that improving governance remains a challenge even for the democratic character of the European project.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Controlling Corruption Through Collective Action}, series = {Journal of Democracy}, volume = {24}, journal = {Journal of Democracy}, number = {1}, editor = {Diamond, Larry and Plattner, Marc F.}, publisher = {Johns Hopkins University Press}, address = {Baltimore}, issn = {1045-5736}, pages = {101 -- 115}, abstract = {Control of corruption in a society is an equilibrium between resources and costs which either empowers or constraints elites predatory behavior. While most research and practice focuses on legal constraints, this paper investigates normative constraints, deemed to be more important, especially civil society and the press. Fresh evidence—both historical and statistical—is found to support Tocqueville's assertions regarding the importance of collective action and the joint action of media and associations in not only creating a democratic society, but controlling corruption as well. However, little is known on how to build normative constraints.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Becoming Denmark: Historical Designs of Corruption Control}, series = {Social Research: An International Quarterly}, volume = {80}, journal = {Social Research: An International Quarterly}, number = {4}, editor = {Mack, Arien}, publisher = {The Johns Hopkins University Press}, address = {Baltimore}, issn = {0037-783X}, pages = {1259 -- 1286}, abstract = {This paper conceptualizes public corruption as part of a broader social order context. It argues that corruption should not be conceived of as a social 'malady' to be eradicated, but rather as a default governance regime. People naturally favor their own, be it family, clan, race or ethnic group: treating the rest of the world fairly seems to be a matter of extensive social evolution and sufficient resources. Very few societies have evolved from this natural state of affairs to produce a state which can be expected to treat everyone equally and fairly, and to put public above private interest, when entrusted with the management of common affairs and resources. The paper surveys the approaches to anticorruption of three distinct political regimes, monarchy, medieval republic and modern democracy to conclude that current anticorruption should be conceptualized as solving collective action problems rather than as repression of deviance.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidiAnagnostou, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Anagnostou, Dia}, title = {Domestic Implementation of Human Rights Judgments in Europe: Legal Infrastructure and Government Effectiveness Matter}, series = {The European Journal of International Law}, volume = {25}, journal = {The European Journal of International Law}, number = {1}, editor = {Weiler, Joseph}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, issn = {0938-5428}, doi = {10.1093/ejil/chu001}, pages = {205 -- 227}, abstract = {Over the past couple of years, international law and international relations scholarship has shifted its focus from the question of whether human rights treaties bring any state-level improvements at all to investigations in the domestic context of the factors and dynamics influencing state compliance. In this direction, and focusing on the European Court of Human Rights, this study inquires into the factors that account for variable patterns of state compliance with its judgments. Why do national authorities in some states adopt a more prompt and responsive attitude in implementing these judgments, in contrast to other states that procrastinate or respond reluctantly? On the basis of a large-N study of the Strasbourg Court's judgments and a comparison across nine states, this article argues that variation in state implementation performance is closely linked to the overall legal infrastructure capacity and government effectiveness of a state. When such capacity and effectiveness are high and diffused, the adverse judgments of the Strasbourg Court are unlikely to be obstructed or ignored, even when the government, political elites, or other actors are reluctant and not in favour of substantive remedies.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Good governance powers innovation}, series = {Nature}, volume = {518}, journal = {Nature}, number = {7539}, editor = {Campbell, Philip}, issn = {0028-0836}, pages = {295 -- 297}, abstract = {Many believe innovation can lead the way out of the present economic crisis. In Europe and the United States leaders have repeatedly referred to the importance of innovation, research and education to sustaining economic growth. The concept that innovation is the key to prosperity is great- but we must understand that this applies to a certain governance context which is seldom encountered in the real world.}, language = {en} } @book{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Transitions to Good Governance : creating Virtuous Circles of Anti-Corruption}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Johnston, Michael}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK; Northhampton, MA, USA}, isbn = {9781786439147; 9781786439161}, pages = {301}, abstract = {Why have so few countries managed to leave systematic corruption behind, while in many others modernization is still a mere fa{\c{c}}ade? How do we escape the trap of corruption, to reach a governance system based on ethical universalism? In this unique book, Alina Mungiu-Pippidi and Michael Johnston lead a team of eminent researchers on an illuminating path towards deconstructing the few virtuous circles in contemporary governance. The book combines a solid theoretical framework with quantitative evidence and case studies from around the world. While extracting lessons to be learned from the success cases covered, Transitions to Good Governance avoids being prescriptive and successfully contributes to the understanding of virtuous circles in contemporary good governance.}, language = {en} } @misc{MungiuPippidiDadašovDrapalovaetal., author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Dadašov, Ramin and Drapalova, Eliska and Mendelski, Martin}, title = {Beyond the Panama Papers : the Performance of EU Good Governance Promotion}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Warkotsch, Jana}, publisher = {Barbara Budrich Publishers}, address = {Opladen, Berlin, Toronto}, isbn = {978-3-8474-0582-5}, pages = {127}, abstract = {This last title in the series covers the most important findings of the five years EU sponsored ANTICORRP project dealing with corruption and organized crime. How prone to corruption are EU funds? Has EU managed to improve governance in the countries that it assists? Using the new index of public integrity and a variety of other tools created in the project this issue looks at how EU funds and norms affected old member states (like Spain), new member states (Slovakia, Romania), accession countries (Turkey) and the countries recipient of development funds (Egypt, Tanzania, Tunisia). The data covers over a decade of structural and development funds, and the findings show the challenges to changing governance across borders, the different paths that each country has experienced and suggest avenues of reforming development aid for improving governance.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The time has come for evidence-based anticorruption}, series = {Nature Human Behaviour}, volume = {1}, journal = {Nature Human Behaviour}, number = {0011}, editor = {Kousta, Stavroula}, issn = {2397-3374}, doi = {10.1038/s41562-016-0011}, abstract = {Despite significant investment, contemporary anticorruption efforts have failed to be effective. A new index — the Index of Public Integrity — offers a transparent, evidence-based approach to controlling corruption and measuring progress.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The Quest for Good Governance: Learning from Virtuous Circles}, series = {Journal of Democracy}, volume = {27}, journal = {Journal of Democracy}, number = {1}, editor = {Diamond, Larry and Plattner, Marc F.}, issn = {1045-5736}, pages = {95 -- 109}, abstract = {Once of interest mainly to specialists, the problem of explaining how institutions change is now a primary concern not only of economists, but of the international donor community as well. Many have come to believe that political institutions are decisive in shaping economic institutions and, with them, the course of innovation and investment that leads to a developed society. This is the shift from patrimonialism to ethical universalism, a transformation that most of today's advanced democracies accomplished through a long historical evolution. But there has been very little research on whether and how this kind of change can be engineered and speeded up by human design. The EU-funded ANTICORRP project that I have been leading aims to help fill this gap. The big challenge is to explain the shift of the governance paradigm from particularism to universalism in the few societies that have managed to accomplish it in the postwar era. Do these success stories offer any lessons about how other societies can make that journey?}, language = {en} } @misc{MungiuPippidiBratuCharronetal., author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Bratu, Roxana and Charron, Nicholas and Dimulescu, Valentina and Doroftei, Madalina and Fazekas, Mih{\´a}ly and Kasemets, Aare and King, Lawrence Peter and Martinez Barranco Kukutschka, Roberto and Pop, Raluca and T{\´o}th, Istv{\´a}n J{\´a}nos}, title = {Controlling Corruption in Europe}, series = {The Anticorruption Report}, volume = {1}, journal = {The Anticorruption Report}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, publisher = {Budrich}, address = {Opladen}, isbn = {978-3-8474-0125-4}, pages = {128}, abstract = {Corruption has an impact. It is about time that anticorruption starts having an impact, too. This is the first annual policy report of the European Seventh Framework Research Project ANTICORRP, which has started in 2012 and will continue until 2018. Based on the work of 21 different research centers and universities gathering original data, ANTICORRP offers yearly updates on the latest from corruption research, analyzing both the consequences of corruption and the impact of policies attempting to curb it. This first report offers a methodology to evaluate corruption risk and quality of government at country, region and sector level by means of corruption indicators that are sensitive to change and policy intervention. The aim of the project is to offer testable, easy to handle policies which reduce corruption risk. Corruption distorts market competition, bolsters deficits on behalf of discretionary spending, hurts real investment in public health and education, reduces tax collection, detriments the absorption rate of EU funds, and generates vulnerable employment and brain drain. This study estimates that if EU member states would all manage to control corruption at the Danish level, tax collection in Europe would increase by 323 billion Euro per year - double of the EU budget for 2013.}, language = {en} } @misc{MuhittinDavidBarrettDimulescuetal., author = {Muhittin, Acar and David-Barrett, Elizabeth and Dimulescu, Valentina and Doroftei, Madalina and Emek, Uğur and Fazekas, Mih{\´a}ly and Karaboev, Stefan and Andr{\´a}s Luk{\´a}cs, P{\´e}ter and Mart{\´i}nez Barranco Kukutschka, Roberto and Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Podumljak, Munir and Sberna, Salvatore and Stefanov, Ruslan and J{\´a}nos T{\´o}th, Istv{\´a}n and Vannucci, Alberto and Wilson, Andrew and Yalamov, Todor}, title = {Government Favouritism in Europe}, series = {The Anticorruption Report}, volume = {3}, journal = {The Anticorruption Report}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, publisher = {Budrich}, address = {Opladen}, isbn = {978-3-8474-0795-9}, pages = {126}, abstract = {This volume on Government Favouritism in Europe reunites the fieldwork of 2014-2015 in the ANTICORRP project. It is entirely based on objective indicators and offers both quantitative and qualitative assessments of the linkage between political corruption and organised crime using statistics on spending, procurement contract data and judicial data. The methodology used in the analysis of particularism of public resource distribution is applicable to any other country where procurement data can be made available and opens the door to a better understanding and control of both systemic corruption and political finance.}, language = {en} } @misc{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Ottomans into Europeans: State and Institution-building in South Eastern Europe}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Van Meurs, Wim}, publisher = {C. Hurst \& Co Publishers Ltd}, address = {London}, isbn = {9781849040747}, pages = {360}, abstract = {While many histories of the Balkans have been published, some very good and others poor, there is as yet no history of institutions in the Balkans. This is what the contributors to Ottomans into European offer the reader: a history of the most salient political institutions of the region: bureaucracies, judiciaries, democratic elections, free media, local and central government - and their frequently strained relations with traditional institutions. They also examine the selection, evolution, and performance of institutions in the post-Ottoman Balkans, and try to account for variations throughout the region. In writing this institutional history of the Balkans the contributors set themselves two key questions: did the post-Ottoman wave of Europeanization and Western-type institution building fail in the Balkans, and does this explain the region's continuing political fragility? And if this is the case, are there underlying structural determinants explaining that failure which might manifest themselves again in present attempts to re-integrate the region, from Turkey to Albania?}, language = {en} } @incollection{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Corruption: Political and Public Aspects}, series = {International Encyclopedia of the Social \& Behavioral Sciences}, booktitle = {International Encyclopedia of the Social \& Behavioral Sciences}, edition = {2}, publisher = {Elsevier}, address = {Amsterdam}, isbn = {9780080970868}, pages = {12 -- 20}, abstract = {The interest of social science, media, and policymakers for corruption has exploded after 1990 due to increasing evidence that corruption is accountable for poor growth and chronic underdevelopment. This had impressive policy consequences: by 2012, no less than 161 state parties had adopted the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC), which was put into force on 14 December 2005. This article discusses the various conceptualizations of corruption as an individual behavior as well as a governance regime (particularism), the evolution of Western thought until the adoption of ethical universalism as universal governance norm (with UNCAC) and the performance of countries in establishing control of corruption in historical and contemporary times.}, language = {en} } @incollection{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {A House of Cards? Building the Rule of Law in East Central Europe.}, series = {The Western Balkans and the EU : "the hour of Europe"}, booktitle = {The Western Balkans and the EU : "the hour of Europe"}, editor = {Rupnik, Jacques}, edition = {Chaillot Papers No. 126}, publisher = {European Union Institute for Security Studies}, address = {Paris}, isbn = {978-92-9198-187-8}, doi = {10.2139/ssrn.1686644}, pages = {145 -- 162}, abstract = {This paper assesses the ten years of experience of East Central European (ECE) with the reform of the judiciary in view of EU accession. The paper examines in depth the cases where the challenges to rule of law and the EU conditionality were both at a maximum to generate some explanations (Romania, and Bulgaria in particular). It then proceeds to test the chief explanatory factors in a quantitative model of rule of law on the 28 postcommunist cases, concluding that democracy, and not organization or logistics is the most important determinant of rule of law.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {For a New Generation of Objective Indicators in Governance and Corruption Studies}, series = {European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research}, volume = {22}, journal = {European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research}, number = {3}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, issn = {0928-1371}, pages = {363 -- 367}, abstract = {While the last twenty years have seen the development of global rankings for corruption, allowing comparison between countries and shaming of corrupt governments, the measurements remain based largely on the perceptions of experts, and so lack both specificity and transparency. New research, based on a comprehensive theory of governance defined as the set of formal and informal institutions determining "who gets what" in a given context, allows for more specific and objective, albeit indirect, measurement of control of corruption. To uncover the institutional setting which empowers public integrity, such research tests numerous anti-corruption tools and good governance strategies in a comparative framework. The end result is an evidence-based national framework for control of corruption and a clear measure able to indicate both current status and change in corruption control from year to year or as a result of policy intervention.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidiDadašov, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Dadašov, Ramin}, title = {Measuring Control of Corruption by a New Index of Public Integrity}, series = {European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research}, volume = {22}, journal = {European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research}, number = {3}, editor = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, issn = {0928-1371}, pages = {415 -- 438}, abstract = {While the last 20 years saw the invention of corruption rankings, allowing comparison between countries and the shaming of corrupt governments, such measurements are largely based on the perceptions of experts, lacking both specificity and transparency. New research, based on a comprehensive theory of governance defined as the set of formal and informal institutions determining who gets what in a given context, allow for more specific and objective, albeit indirect, measurements of control of corruption. Such measurements focus on the institutional framework which empowers public integrity and eliminates many current anti-corruption tools, while validating others. Most importantly, it provides a broader specific context which can empower reforms based on evidence and a clear measure to determine status and progress of corruption control.}, language = {en} } @techreport{MungiuPippidi, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Fostering good governance through trade Agreements: An evidence-based review}, series = {Paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on International Trade}, journal = {Paper was requested by the European Parliament's Committee on International Trade}, doi = {10.2861/203713}, language = {en} } @book{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Europe's Burden: Promoting Good Governance Across Borders}, publisher = {Cambridge University Press}, address = {Cambridge}, isbn = {9781108459662}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {344}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Romania's Italian-Style Anticorruption Populism}, series = {Journal of Democracy}, volume = {29}, journal = {Journal of Democracy}, number = {3}, doi = {10.1353/jod.2018.0048}, pages = {104 -- 116}, language = {en} } @incollection{MungiuPippidiMartinezBKukutschka, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Mart{\´i}nez B. Kukutschka, Roberto}, title = {Can a civilization know its own institutional decline? A tale of indicators}, series = {Governance Indicators: Approaches, Progress, Promise}, booktitle = {Governance Indicators: Approaches, Progress, Promise}, editor = {Anheier, Helmut K. and Haber, Matthias and Kayser, Mark A.}, isbn = {9780198817062}, publisher = {Hertie School}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Seven Steps to Control of Corruption: The Road Map}, series = {Daedalus}, volume = {147}, journal = {Daedalus}, number = {3}, doi = {10.1162/daed_a_00500}, pages = {20 -- 34}, language = {en} } @incollection{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Europeanization meets transformation: a political economy approach to transition}, series = {Structural Reforms for Growth and Cohesion}, booktitle = {Structural Reforms for Growth and Cohesion}, editor = {Nowotny, Ewald and Ritzberger-Gr{\"u}nwald, Doris and Schuberth, Helene}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK / Northampton, MA, USA}, isbn = {9781788971133}, doi = {10.4337/9781788971140.00022}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {180 -- 189}, language = {en} } @techreport{MungiuPippidi, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Romania: study enemies of trust}, series = {Nature}, volume = {569}, journal = {Nature}, doi = {10.1038/d41586-019-01569-w}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The Rise and Fall of Good-Governance Promotion}, series = {Journal of Democracy}, volume = {31}, journal = {Journal of Democracy}, number = {1}, pages = {88 -- 102}, abstract = {With the 2003 adoption of the UN Convention Against Corruption, good-governance norms have achieved—on the formal level at least—a degree of recognition that can fairly be called universal. This reflects a centuries-long struggle to establish the moral principle of "ethical universalism," which brings together the ideas of equity, reciprocity, and impartiality. The West's success in promoting this norm has been extraordinary, yet there are also significant risks. Despite expectations that international concern and increased regulation would lead to less corruption, current trends suggest otherwise. Exchanges between countries perceived as corrupt and countries perceived as noncorrupt seem to lead to an increase in corruption in the noncorrupt states rather than its decrease in the corrupt ones. Direct good-governance interventions have had poor results. And anticorruption has helped populist politicians, who use anti-elite rhetoric similar to that of anticorruption campaigners.}, language = {en} } @misc{MungiuPippidivanMeurs2010, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and van Meurs, Wim}, title = {Ottomans into Europeans: state and institution building in South-East Europe}, publisher = {Columbia University Press,}, address = {New York}, isbn = {9780231701686}, pages = {352}, year = {2010}, abstract = {While many histories of the Balkans have been published, some very good and others poor, there is as yet no history of institutions in the Balkans. This is what the contributors to Ottomans into European offer the reader: a history of the most salient political institutions of the region: bureaucracies, judiciaries, democratic elections, free media, local and central government - and their frequently strained relations with traditional institutions. They also examine the selection, evolution, and performance of institutions in the post-Ottoman Balkans, and try to account for variations throughout the region. In writing this institutional history of the Balkans the contributors set themselves two key questions: did the post-Ottoman wave of Europeanization and Western-type institution building fail in the Balkans, and does this explain the region's continuing political fragility? And if this is the case, are there underlying structural determinants explaining that failure which might manifest themselves again in present attempts to re-integrate the region, from Turkey to Albania?}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidiStefan2011, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Stefan, Laura}, title = {Perpetual Transitions: Contentious Property and Europeanization in South-Eastern Europe}, series = {East European Politics and Societies}, volume = {26}, journal = {East European Politics and Societies}, number = {2}, issn = {0888-3254}, doi = {10.1177/0888325411423405}, pages = {340 -- 361}, year = {2011}, abstract = {This article studies comparatively the property restitution policies of Eastern and Western Balkan countries, focusing mostly on internal and external constraints to a permanent solution. The role of the European Court of Human Rights is analyzed in depth, as well as the subtle shift of policy of the EU institutions from the earlier Eastern Balkan accession to the Western Balkans one. While the situation of property restitution in South-Eastern Europe provides clear evidence that Europeanization helps transformation, particularly if the EU openly assumes the role of a transformation agent, it also highlights the limits of its power.}, language = {en} } @incollection{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The Universalization of Ethical Universalism}, series = {The Oxford Handbook of the Quality of Government}, booktitle = {The Oxford Handbook of the Quality of Government}, editor = {B{\aa}genholm, Andreas and Bauhr, Monika and Grimes, Marcia and Rothstein, Bo}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford, United Kingdom}, isbn = {9780198858218}, doi = {10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198858218.013.3}, publisher = {Hertie School}, abstract = {This chapter argues that the adoption of the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) in 2004 and its subsequent ratification by more than 180 parties indicates universal agreement on the norms of quality of government, putting an end to moral relativist arguments. While UNCAC does not define corruption, it defines good governance and sets ethical universalism as its key benchmark. The chapter then follows the intellectual history of this concept and its remarkable success, with the norm of equal, fair, and nondiscriminatory treatment of every citizen present in every current constitutional contract. Ratification does not necessarily mean implementation when corruption is concerned, and the chapter surveys limitations to the practice of ethical universalism in governance and existing approaches to narrow the gap between norm and practice. Keywords: corruption, quality of government, equality of opportunity, ethical universalism, good governance}, language = {en} } @techreport{MungiuPippidi, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Unresolved Questions on the EU Rule of Law Report}, abstract = {The EU has chastised member states who do not adhere to its professed values. However, a new report about the rule of law falls short in providing the objective basis to withhold funding to those who defy democracy.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidiHartmann, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Hartmann, Till}, title = {Corruption and Development: A Reappraisal}, series = {Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Economics and Finance}, journal = {Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Economics and Finance}, doi = {10.1093/acrefore/9780190625979.013.237}, abstract = {Corruption and development are two mutually related concepts equally shifting in meaning across time. The predominant 21st-century view of government that regards corruption as inacceptable has its theoretical roots in ancient Western thought, as well as Eastern thought. This condemning view of corruption coexisted at all times with a more morally indifferent or neutral approach that found its expression most notably in development scholars of the 1960s and 1970s who viewed corruption as an enabler of development rather than an obstacle. Research on the nexus between corruption and development has identified mechanisms that enable corruption and offered theories of change, which have informed practical development policies. Interventions adopting a principal agent approach fit better the advanced economies, where corruption is an exception, rather than the emerging economies, where the opposite of corruption, the norm of ethical universalism, has yet to be built. In such contexts corruption is better approached from a collective action perspective. Reviewing cross-national data for the period 1996-2017, it becomes apparent that the control of corruption stagnated in most countries and only a few exceptions exist. For a lasting improvement of the control of corruption, societies need to reduce the resources for corruption while simultaneously increasing constraints. The evolution of a governance regime requires a multiple stakeholder endeavor reaching beyond the sphere of government involving the press, business, and a strong and activist civil society.}, language = {en} } @incollection{MungiuPippidiHeywood, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Heywood, Paul M.}, title = {Making Sense of Corruption Studies: An Introduction}, series = {A Research Agenda for Studies of Corruption}, booktitle = {A Research Agenda for Studies of Corruption}, publisher = {Edward Elgar}, address = {London}, isbn = {9781789904994}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {2 -- 6}, language = {en} } @incollection{MungiuPippidiFazekas, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Fazekas, Mih{\´a}ly}, title = {How to Define and Measure Corruption}, series = {A Research Agenda for Studies of Corruption}, booktitle = {A Research Agenda for Studies of Corruption}, publisher = {Edward Elgar}, address = {London}, isbn = {9781789904994}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {7 -- 26}, language = {en} } @misc{MungiuPippidiHeywood, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Heywood, Paul M.}, title = {A Research Agenda for Studies of Corruption}, publisher = {Edward Elgar}, isbn = {9781789904994}, pages = {232}, abstract = {This interdisciplinary Research Agenda contains state-of-the-art surveys of the field of corruption and points towards an agenda for future research. This comprehensive work covers the main approaches to diagnosing, analysing and measuring corruption, as well as the ways to tackle it. Chapters explore top political and grassroots corruption, buying and stealing votes, corruption in relation to gender and the media, digital anti-corruption and an examination of whistleblowing and market-based tools.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The Quality of Government and Public Administration}, series = {Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics - Encyclopedia of Public Administration}, journal = {Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics - Encyclopedia of Public Administration}, doi = {10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.1405}, abstract = {In 1999, Evans and Rauch showed a strong association between government effectiveness (quality of government)—particularly the presence of a Weberian-like bureaucracy, selected and promoted on merit alone and largely autonomous from private interests—and economic growth. In 1997 and the aftermath of the Washington Consensus controversial reforms the World Bank promoted this finding in its influential World Development Report 1997 as part of its broader paradigm on "institutional quality." Twenty years of investment in state capacity followed, by means of foreign assistance supporting the quality of public administration as a prerequisite to development. However, most reviews found the results well under expectations. This is hardly surprising, seeing that Max Weber, credited as the first promoter of the importance of bureaucracy as both the end result and the tool of government rationalization in modern times, never took for granted the autonomy of the state apparatus from private interest. He clearly stated that the power using the apparatus is the one steering the bureaucracy itself. In fact, a review of empirical evidence shows that the quality of public administration is endogenous to the quality of government more broadly and therefore can hardly be a solution in problematic contexts. The autonomy of the state from private interest is one of the most difficult objectives to accomplish in the evolution of a state, and few states have managed in contemporary times to match the achievements of Denmark or Switzerland in the 19th century. Two countries, Estonia and Georgia, are exceptional in this regard, but their success argues for the primacy of politics rather than of administration.}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Transparency and corruption: Measuring real transparency by a new index}, series = {Regulation \& Governance}, journal = {Regulation \& Governance}, doi = {10.1111/rego.12502}, abstract = {Despite the salience of transparency in policy and democracy debates a global measurement of transparency has always been missing. In its absence, measuring the impact of transparency on accountability and corruption for a large number of countries has been difficult, with scholars using more or less adequate proxies. This paper introduces a new measurement of real transparency—the T-index—using 14 de facto components, based on direct observations of official websites in 129 countries and five de jure components, based on the transparency laws and conventions adopted. The resulting index is a measurement with very good internal and external validity and moderate precision. The paper argues that de facto transparency must be considered alongside de jure (legal) transparency if we are to judge the impact (or lack of) transparency against accountability and corruption, as a large implementation gap exists, in particular in poor countries, between legal commitments and real transparency. The T-index has significant impact on both perception and objective indicators of corruption, including perceived change in corruption over time as measured by the Global Corruption Barometer. An analysis of outliers shows that high transparency alone is not sufficient to achieve control of corruption, especially in countries with low human development and poor rule of law, although transparency is a robust predictor of corruption with GDP controls. The data with all sources is available for download as T-index 2022 dataset: DOI 10.5281/zenodo.7225627 and an interactive webpage developed for updates is available at www.corruptionrisk.org/transparency.}, language = {en} } @techreport{MungiuPippidi, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Counting the Dead Transparently}, publisher = {European Research Centre for Anti-Corruption and State-Building (ERCAS)}, abstract = {The new transparency index (T-index) shows that the official pandemic fatality figure is deeply flawed in many countries, starting with Russia.}, language = {en} } @incollection{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Corruption and Development}, series = {Elgar Encyclopedia of Development}, booktitle = {Elgar Encyclopedia of Development}, editor = {Clarke, Matthew and Zhao, Xinyu (Andy)}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, isbn = {978 1 80037 211 5}, publisher = {Hertie School}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Political Science}, series = {Elgar Concise Encyclopedia of Corruption Law}, journal = {Elgar Concise Encyclopedia of Corruption Law}, editor = {Pieth, Mark and S{\o}reide, Tina}, isbn = {9781802206487}, doi = {10.4337/9781802206494.00095}, pages = {362 -- 366}, abstract = {Presenting the broad spectrum of interdisciplinary academic research on corruption, this essential reference book examines anti-corruption legislation, governance mechanisms, international instruments, and other preventative measures intended to tackle corruption. Including over 100 entries and adopting a comprehensive approach to researching and combating corruption, this Encyclopedia covers the key ideas, concepts, and theories in corruption law.}, language = {en} } @book{MungiuPippidi, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Rethinking Corruption}, publisher = {Edward Elgar Publishing}, address = {Cheltenham, UK}, isbn = {9781800379824}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {190}, language = {en} } @article{MungiuPippidiToth, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Toth, Bence}, title = {Inside the Europeanization black box: the evolution of corruption risk in Albania's public procurement}, series = {Journal of Contemporary European Studies}, journal = {Journal of Contemporary European Studies}, doi = {10.1080/14782804.2022.2106955}, pages = {1 -- 17}, abstract = {The Western Balkans EU candidate countries face rule of law challenges far more serious than Hungary or Poland did at the time of their accessions in 2004. Despite extensive EU conditionality and support, with 16\% of EU pre-structural funds dedicated between 2014 and 2020 to rule of law projects, governance indicators show no substantial change. The European Court of Auditors (ECA) also found little impact in advancing the rule of law in the candidate countries in the Western Balkans. The European Commission, however, does report signs of progress. By drawing on public procurement data from the two sectors concentrating most public expenditure, namely health and construction, between the years 2017 and 2019, this paper solves the dilemma of how allegedly successful reforms can happen without much impact. By directly measuring government favouritism in procurement, before and after EU-driven reforms, the paper finds that evolution has so far been limited despite proving the effect of certain interventions. The paradox is explained by providing evidence of versatile behaviour by the main rent owners and the increasing discretionary power of Albania's governing party.}, language = {en} } @techreport{MungiuPippidi, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Challenges and innovations to the rule of law measurement}, series = {LIEPP Working Paper}, volume = {137}, journal = {LIEPP Working Paper}, pages = {2 -- 26}, abstract = {While the process of digitalization offers new opportunities, politics gets in the way of the already notoriously difficult to measure rule of law. This paper briefly presents the challenges to rule of law measurement and argues that sound measurement is possible only if the measure is narrowed down, or its components are separately examined. It then offers two innovations of such separate measurements on transparency and national integrity at national level developed by the European Research Center for Anticorruption and State-building (ERCAS) in Berlin. Finally, the paper argues that the governance context greatly impacts the quality of data used in public policy evaluation and should be used as controls. For instance, higher transparency predicts higher COVID 19 fatality rates at national level with all relevant controls, while higher corruption predicts more excess deaths, using the new indicators. This shows that the data on COVID 19 fatalities outside the democratic developed countries is likely to be seriously flawed and that it is worth investing in facts and not perceptions when measuring governance. The working paper pleads for the use of directly observable digital tools to move to a generation of more transparent and specific governance indicators, able to provide the evidence needed in public policy evaluation.}, language = {en} } @techreport{MungiuPippidi, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Five Lessons on International Rule of Law Support}, series = {Carnegie Europe}, journal = {Carnegie Europe}, abstract = {The promotion of the rule of law across borders should be implemented based on clear and objective standards, and distinguished from state-building exercises.}, language = {en} } @techreport{MungiuPippidi, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {Corruption risk in Albanian public procurement (2017 - 2019)}, language = {en} } @techreport{MungiuPippidi, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina}, title = {The Post-Truth about Corruption in the European Union}, series = {Verfassungsblog}, journal = {Verfassungsblog}, doi = {10.17176/20221220-121732-0}, language = {en} } @incollection{MungiuPippidiMartinezBarrancoKukutschka, author = {Mungiu-Pippidi, Alina and Mart{\´i}nez Barranco Kukutschka, Roberto}, title = {Can a civilisation know its own institutional decline? A tale of indicators.}, series = {Governance Indicators: Approaches, Progress, Promise}, booktitle = {Governance Indicators: Approaches, Progress, Promise}, editor = {Anheier, Helmut K. and Haber, Matthias and Kayser, Mark A.}, publisher = {Oxford University Press}, address = {Oxford}, isbn = {9780198817062}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {71 -- 99}, language = {en} }