@phdthesis{LeNoan, author = {Le Noan, Anne-Cl{\´e}mence}, title = {Changing the way social inequality in education is treated in France and Germany: Schule macht stark (2019) and Les contrats locaux d'accompagnement (2020) as contrasting examples of layering}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6167}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-61674}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {316}, abstract = {France and Germany are among the OECD countries where social origin most strongly affects educational achievement. While the structural causes of this phenomenon have been widely studied, the institutionalization of its policy treatment and the room for manoeuvre available to policymakers to bring change in these two contrasting education systems remain underexplored. This dissertation addresses this gap through a comparative analysis of two recent policies targeting schools in disadvantaged areas: Schule macht stark in Germany and les contrats locaux d'accompagnement in France. Drawing on process-tracing, the analysis of documents and 50 interviews, and grounded in neo-institutionalist theory, this research shows that these policies exemplify layering: strong veto players constrained policymakers to implement change through the addition of experimental initiatives rather than through reform of existing policies. These shifts affected policy orientations—toward greater efficiency in France and greater equity in Germany—policy instruments—via the strengthening of New Public Management—and governance levels—with the involvement of the federal tier in Germany. In France, changes were rapid but short-lived, marked by the political instrumentalization of experimentation. In Germany, they were slower but more enduring, supported by academic expertise. In both cases, broader initiatives—Conseil national de la refondation and the Startchancen-Programm—have continued these trajectories, illustrating the relevance of the layering approach.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Michelsen, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Michelsen, Juan}, title = {Global Risk Shocks in a Small Open Economy and Their Impact on Monetary Policy Surprises}, series = {Berlin School of Economics Discusion Papers}, journal = {Berlin School of Economics Discusion Papers}, edition = {No. 93}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6165}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-61654}, pages = {35}, abstract = {This paper studies the macroeconomic effects of global risk shocks (GRS) in a small open economy and their implications for the identification of monetary policy shocks. I construct a novel proxy for GRS based on unexpected daily innovations in the VIX and employ it as an external instrument in a proxy-SVAR for Canada. The advantage of this proxy is that, by exploiting the safe-haven role of the U.S. dollar, it identifies the effects of GRS using only domestic endogenous variables, without imposing restrictions or relying on global aggregates or narratively selected events. GRS that depreciate the Canadian dollar, tighten financial conditions, reduce asset prices, output, and prices, inducing an expansionary monetary policy response. I provide evidence that high-frequency (HF) monetary policy surprises partly reflect endogenous, risk-driven deviations between policy actions and market expectations. Ignoring GRS can lead to an overestimation of monetary policy effects obtained using HF identification.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Wilkins, author = {Wilkins, Katherine}, title = {The New 'NORMal'? How innovative actors are reshaping the global approach to controlling corruption}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6166}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-61661}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {166}, abstract = {This dissertation explores the evolving global anti-corruption regime and examines the interplay between norms and strategic interests in shaping responses to corruption. While traditional narratives portray anti-corruption policy as a normative undertaking, in this dissertation I argue that states' responses to corruption are meaningfully shaped by the pursuit of geopolitical interests. At the theoretical level, this dissertation contributes to the rationalism-constructivism debate in international relations theory. Drawing on March and Olsen's dual logics analytical framework, this dissertation introduces a model of bounded decision-making in which norms serve as boundary conditions for responses, but interests shape their scope and intensity. In this model, states attempt to balance norms and interests by prioritizing interest-driven actions while still seeking to maintain normative legitimacy within the international system. Examining the recent decade of anti-corruption rulemaking and a key case of enforcement, this dissertation offers evidence that states may introduce or enforce anti-corruption rules as an instrument of geopolitical strategy. These findings have broad implications for international cooperation on corruption. Additionally, this dissertation contributes to the theoretical understanding of norm development within the analytical framework of network governance theory, which posits that complex global challenges can be effectively addressed through decentralized approaches to governance. This research further examines the role of non-state actors in anti- corruption governance, offering new evidence of how non-state actors navigate norm development, and examining these processes in the context of broader governance trends, especially the shifting relationships between state and non-state actors. These findings support the arguments of network governance theory on the role of non-state actors in global governance, demonstrating how they are shaping norms, including normative constraints on state decision-making. The empirical findings of this dissertation highlight the complexity of anti-corruption governance in a competitive global environment. By emphasizing the role of geopolitical interests in shaping responses to corruption, this research counters the prevailing narrative of anti-corruption as an exclusively normative field. These findings have significant implications for policymakers and anti-corruption advocates, calling for a nuanced understanding of state interests and the influence of non-state actors for advancing global anti-corruption efforts in an increasingly competitive international environment.}, language = {en} } @techreport{CairoIvandićLassenetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Cairo, Sofie and Ivandić, Ria and Lassen, Anne Sophie and Tartari, Valentina}, title = {Parenthood and the Career Ladder: Evidence from Academia}, series = {Berlin School of Economics Discussion Papers}, journal = {Berlin School of Economics Discussion Papers}, edition = {No. 92}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-6164}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-61644}, pages = {56}, abstract = {Persistent gender gaps in the labor market are largely driven by the underrepresentation of women at the top of most professions. We study how parenthood shapes gender gaps in academic careers using population-wide administrative and survey data linked to productivity and promotion records. Parenthood marks a sharp divergence in academic careers: one in three women exit academia following motherhood. Men also experience a decline in academic employment after fatherhood, but the effects are substantially smaller. For mothers, childbirth leads to a persistent decline in both tenure attainment and research output, while men's trajectories on these margins are unaffected by parenthood. The child penalty on tenure is driven primarily by women's higher exit rates from academia. Gender differences in career aspirations do not explain these findings; instead, childcare and mobility constraints play a central role. Child penalties are exacerbated in highly competitive environments and environments without senior female role models.}, language = {en} } @techreport{KnudsenAnheierSaraceno, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Knudsen, Edward L. and Anheier, Helmut K. and Saraceno, Joseph C.}, title = {Progress and Polarization in South Korea: Remarkable Economic Ascent Masks Lingering Fractures}, series = {2024 Berggruen Governance Index}, journal = {2024 Berggruen Governance Index}, publisher = {UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs}, address = {Los Angeles}, pages = {iii, 9}, abstract = {On December 3rd, 2024, South Korean President Yoon Suk-yeol imposed martial law in what appeared to be an attempted coup, threatening the country's hard-fought democracy. Although the attempt was unsuccessful and consequentially led to Yoon Suk-yeol's removal from office, it exposed lingering challenges in a country that has been one of the century's great democratic success stories. Using insights from the 2024 Berggruen Governance Index, we discuss South Korea's remarkable success and trajectory, and the underlying fragilities in the country that pose threats to democratic stability and governance. Indeed, South Korea has made a remarkable transition from being a war-torn, impoverished, and autocratic nation to one of economic growth and impressive democratization. We find that South Korea consistently ranks very high in democratic accountability, public goods provision, and state capacity. Yet, emerging and ongoing challenges polarize the country. South Korea is in a precarious geopolitical situation with its rival neighbor North Korea, and continues to encounter issues such as gender polarization, economic inequality, and overwork. Moving forward, South Korea must grapple with these societal divisions and the legacy from its authoritarian past. Yet, it has one of the most highly educated societies in the world, a civically engaged population that will be key to protecting the remarkable democracy and economic success that it has already achieved.}, language = {en} } @techreport{KnudsenAnheierSaraceno, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Knudsen, Edward L. and Anheier, Helmut K. and Saraceno, Joseph C.}, title = {Canada 2025: Governance Challenges Between Resource Reliance and Geopolitical Vulnerability}, series = {2024 Berggruen Governance Index}, journal = {2024 Berggruen Governance Index}, publisher = {UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs}, address = {Los Angeles}, pages = {iii, 9}, abstract = {Although it is wealthy by global standards, Canada's economy faces key vulnerabilities such as excessive reliance on extractive industries, shortages of critical goods such as housing, and heavy dependence on exports to the US. For many years, the country has failed to address these systemic problems. Despite scoring highly on most measures of the Berggruen Governance Index (BGI), its performance has been uneven over the last decade. Indeed, while Canada is generally ahead of the United States in terms of governance performance, its scores for state capacity and democratic accountability trail those of many Western European peers. This parallels a broader disillusionment with Canada's institutions, as public trust in government steadily declined during the 2010s. Addressing systemic challenges will require strident and courageous measures that aim to improve economic diversification and tackle regional inequality. Will the Liberal Party, which has neglected needed reforms for too long—and is now favored to win the elections in April—finally be up to the task?}, language = {en} } @techreport{KnudsenAnheierSaraceno, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Knudsen, Edward L. and Anheier, Helmut K. and Saraceno, Joseph C.}, title = {'Lucky' or Lacking? Economic Development and Political Institutions in Australia}, series = {2024 Berggruen Governance Index}, journal = {2024 Berggruen Governance Index}, publisher = {UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs}, address = {Los Angeles}, pages = {iii, 10}, abstract = {Ahead of an important federal election on May 3rd, Australia boasts some of the world's most sophisticated political institutions and a wealthy economy. But does this veneer of success mask deeper structural issues? This report finds that, despite strong measures of GDP per capita and state capacity, Australia has long struggled to move its economy past a reliance on commodity exports—notably to China. At the same time, its democratic innovations such as compulsory electoral participation, early adoption of women's suffrage, and preferential voting conceal a darker history of indigenous dispossession and racial discrimination. To move past these problems, Australia will have to leverage its impressive state capacity and strong educational system to develop a more advanced services sector and foster more complex manufacturing. Given the necessity of innovation clusters in its already-productive cities, this will also require addressing the severe housing crisis in state capitals and encouraging more migration and acceptance of minorities. Only with a more complex economy can Australia ensure future growth and reduce vulnerability to foreign powers like China and the US.}, language = {en} } @techreport{KnudsenAnheierSaraceno, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Knudsen, Edward L. and Anheier, Helmut K. and Saraceno, Joseph C.}, title = {Steadying the Democratic Ship — or Sinking it? Economic Stagnation and Political Dysfunction in Italy}, series = {2024 Berggruen Government Index}, journal = {2024 Berggruen Government Index}, publisher = {UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs}, address = {Los Angeles}, pages = {iii, 10}, abstract = {The combination of a sclerotic economy and a volatile political climate has defined Italy for decades. With far-right leader Giorgia Meloni's election as prime minister in September 2022, it remains to be seen whether the country can finally break this cycle. Although her government has overseen modest economic growth and relative political stability—and Meloni remains popular—her controversial constitutional reforms and the June 2025 referenda pose significant tests. Those votes, held alongside local elections, address both citizenship liberalization and stronger workers' rights. While they will reveal public sentiment about the current government, neither can resolve Italy's deeper, long-term problems. To do so, policymakers must tackle high regional disparities, extreme wealth and inheritance inequality, and persistently low productivity. Investments and reforms aimed at bringing Italy's state capacity in line with its Western European peers are essential to address these structural issues.}, language = {en} } @techreport{KnudsenAnheierSaraceno, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Knudsen, Edward L. and Anheier, Helmut K. and Saraceno, Joseph C.}, title = {Economic Progress or Democratic Distress? Indonesia's Governance Challenges}, series = {2024 Berggruen Government Index}, journal = {2024 Berggruen Government Index}, publisher = {UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs}, address = {Los Angeles}, pages = {iii, 11}, abstract = {As the world's third-largest democracy, with the largest Muslim population, and consisting of over 17,000 islands, Indonesia faces complex governance challenges. As indicated by the 2024 Berggruen Governance Index, the country reveals a decline in democratic accountability and stagnant state capacity, while its public goods provision has improved thanks to revenue from its extractive industries. Despite having experienced high economic growth in recent years, high levels of inequality linger, and significant regional discrepancies in living standards persist. Politically, authoritarian tendencies under President Prabowo Subianto threaten the fragile democratic gains of previous decades. To address this, Indonesia will have to continue its mostly successful economic policies while seeking to distribute gains more equitably and increase regional convergence through investments and decentralization.}, language = {en} } @techreport{KnudsenAnheierSaraceno, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Knudsen, Edward L. and Anheier, Helmut K. and Saraceno, Joseph C.}, title = {A Remedy for 'Dutch Disease'? Natural Resources and Political-Economic Development in Norway.}, series = {2024 Berggruen Government Index}, journal = {2024 Berggruen Government Index}, publisher = {UCLA Luskin School of Public Affairs}, address = {Los Angeles}, pages = {iii, 9}, abstract = {Ahead of parliamentary elections on September 8th, what is the state of Norway's democracy, government, and economy? For decades, Norway has defied paradoxical misfortunates of ample natural resources ("Dutch Disease"), instead investing its natural riches into building a highly representative political system and robust state. In order to investigate how Norway has defied the conventional "resource curse" narrative, this report— with evidence from the 2024 Berggruen Governance Index— explores the history of Norway and examines current political challenges that could threaten to disrupt its relatively secure and stable status quo. We find that Norway has built its success so through a combination of historical processes which facilitated early democratization, important cultural dynamics that link representation and modernization, and deliberate policy choices that channeled resource rents into long-term investments rather than short-term political gains. Although emerging social fractures could pose a risk to its fortunate situation, Norway's wealth and strong institutions leave it in a better place to combat political dysfunction and economic stagnation than many other developed countries.}, language = {en} }