@incollection{AnheierToepler, author = {Anheier, Helmut K. and Toepler, Stefan}, title = {The Changing Context of Nonprofit Management: Broad Trends and Policy Challenges}, series = {The Jossey-Bass Handbook of Nonprofit Leadership and Management}, booktitle = {The Jossey-Bass Handbook of Nonprofit Leadership and Management}, editor = {Renz, David O. and Brown, William A. and Andersson, Fredrik O.}, edition = {5th}, publisher = {Jossey-Bass}, isbn = {978-1-394-19887-0}, publisher = {Hertie School}, pages = {7 -- 29}, language = {en} } @techreport{JansenNguyen, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Jansen, Jannik and Nguyen, Thu}, title = {Between Continuity and a Perforated 'Cordon Sanitaire' - On the 2024 European Elections}, pages = {6}, abstract = {Between 6-9 July 2024, the 720 members of the European Parliament were elected across 27 Member States. While the elections have not led to a landslide shift to the right, there is a notable consolidation of far-right parties at the European level. Still, the pro-European centre is holding firm and maintains a majority. In this Policy Brief, Jannik Jansen and Thu Nguyen argue that the results likely indicate by-and-large continuity in the European Parliament, including an ongoing shift to the right on contested issues due to a perforated 'cordon sanitaire'. But the election results had heavily disruptive consequences on the national level, which in France has triggered snap parliamentary elections. This will have pronounced impact on the balance of power in the (European) Council and on the EU as a whole.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Daub, author = {Daub, Sara}, title = {External Diaspora Sponsorship to Rebel Organizations. Causes and Consequences}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-5484}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-54847}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {xiv, 307}, abstract = {While intrastate conflicts remain the dominant form of armed conflict and migration receives increasing attention, the international dimension of civil wars, particularly non-state sponsorship, has largely been overlooked. This dissertation examines the phenomenon of diasporas as external sponsors in intrastate conflicts. It investigates: (1) Why do diasporas support rebel organizations? (2) Under what conditions is diaspora support more or less likely? (3) How does diaspora sponsorship of rebel organizations impact civilian victimization and rebel governance? To understand the logic of diaspora support, I employ a principal-agent framework. Conflict, rebel group, diaspora, and homeland characteristics are determinants of diaspora sponsorship. I argue that diasporas aim for kin support and changes in the homeland and consequently prefer limited violence against civilians and co-ethnic civilians. Diasporas benefit from delegating the task of combat and limited civilian victimization but risk agency slack. Concurrently, the rebel organization gains additional resources but loses autonomy. I introduce an information-sharing mechanism between co-ethnics in the conflict zone and the diaspora, which enhances the monitoring capability of the diaspora. I employ a mixed-methods approach to answer the research questions. Interviews conducted in the Washington DC area with members of various diasporas and experts provide evidence for the information-sharing between the diaspora and co-ethnics. I produced a unique data set on diaspora support for African and Asian intrastate conflicts between 1989 and 2014. Findings from multiple large-N analyses, utilizing extreme bounds analysis, logistic regression, and negative binomial analyses, serve as the empirical base for examining the causes and consequences of diaspora sponsorship to rebel organizations. I demonstrate that conflict and rebel group characteristics are strong determinants of diaspora sponsorship, while homeland and diaspora characteristics yield mixed results. Diaspora support significantly reduces the number of civilian killings. The impacts on ethnic violence and rebel governance are heterogeneous. Overall, this dissertation enriches our understanding of diasporas' roles as external actors in conflict dynamics and as non-state sponsors for rebel organizations. It opens further avenues for researching civilian-rebel relationships and host country-homeland dynamics. Policy discussions may follow around monitoring of sponsorship activities and the responsibilities of host countries.}, language = {en} } @article{Knudsen, author = {Knudsen, Edward L.}, title = {Stable or stagnant? Political economy and governance in the United Kingdom, France, Italy and Germany since 2000}, series = {Global Policy}, volume = {14}, journal = {Global Policy}, number = {S4}, publisher = {Wiley}, issn = {1758-5880}, doi = {10.1111/1758-5899.13271}, pages = {90 -- 103}, abstract = {At the beginning of the twenty-first century, the large democracies of Western Europe experienced some of the most prosperous and peaceful decades in human history. Specifically, the United Kingdom, France, Italy and Germany experienced high and stable quality of life, democratic accountability and state capacity between 2000 and 2019, according to the 2022 Berggruen Governance Index. While all four of these countries are among the top performers in the Index, substantial problems lurk beneath the surface. Notably, each failed to capitalise on the low interest rate environment in the decade following the global financial crisis of 2007-2009—albeit in different ways and for different reasons in each country. In particular, low investment in infrastructure and key technologies, the persistence of stubborn regional inequalities, and resulting sluggish GDP growth have prevented the 'Big Four' in Western Europe from improving further and future-proofing their existing gains.}, language = {en} } @article{Knudsen, author = {Knudsen, Edward L.}, title = {Escape from the 'lost decades?' Governance challenges in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia, Mexico, and Venezuela}, series = {Global Policy}, volume = {14}, journal = {Global Policy}, number = {S4}, publisher = {Wiley}, issn = {1758-5880}, doi = {10.1111/1758-5899.13279}, pages = {113 -- 123}, abstract = {Much of Latin America has experienced a renewed 'lost decade', failing to substantially expand quality of life since the late 2000s. While the outcomes of governance performance across the largest countries - including Brazil, Venezuela, Mexico, Colombia, and Argentina - have discrete causes, common themes like internal conflict, corruption, and overreliance on natural resources plague the entire region. Put more generally, the inability to turn democratic accountability into a state mechanism able to deliver economic growth and public goods in a sustainable manner is a liability affecting all five countries. To explore the difficulties that the large Latin American countries have faced in the twenty-first century, this article examines results from the 2022 Berggruen Governance Index, and then presents three key issues facing the region: insufficient state capacity, flirtations with authoritarianism, and economic inequality and inflation. While the challenges remain substantial, increased regional integration may offer one way out of the predicament.}, language = {en} } @article{Knudsen, author = {Knudsen, Edward L.}, title = {A falling star? Origins of declining state capacity and democratic accountability in the United States}, series = {Global Policy}, volume = {14}, journal = {Global Policy}, number = {S4}, publisher = {Wiley}, issn = {1758-5880}, doi = {10.1111/1758-5899.13282}, pages = {47 -- 57}, abstract = {AbstractThe United States—often hailed as the 'oldest democracy in the world' and the 'leader of the free world'—has fallen on hard times. In addition to recent headline-grabbing political events that have highlighted its political dysfunction, data from the 2022 Berggruen Governance Index (BGI) reveal that overall state capacity and democratic accountability have been declining for years. Although public goods provision has remained on a steady course, the US still trails much of the developed world. We find this struggling performance is largely the result of neglecting three types of infrastructure: civic, physical and social. Specifically, we argue that the crisis became particularly pronounced due to an insufficient response to the 2008 global financial crisis. Although some recent political achievements could slow the decline, more drastic action will be required to reverse these troubling trends.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Jaeger, type = {Working Paper}, author = {J{\"a}ger, Philipp}, title = {Almost a free lunch: Boosting investment predictability for the Green Deal}, pages = {7}, abstract = {Implementing the EU Green Deal requires annual investments of about €620 billion, most of which will have to be shouldered by the private sector. However, businesses and households are not investing enough as of now. An important lever for greater green investment is reducing uncertainty around such investment. At the start of the next institutional cycle, the EU should hence improve regulatory certainty for green investments, which should be palatable to most parties likely to form a majority in the Parliament. In addition, the EU should adopt concrete tools that reduce cost uncertainty for companies and households in a pragmatic manner. To this end, this policy position recommends using green lead markets and proposes moves to explore two novel mechanisms that cost taxpayers little to nothing but should boost green investments.}, language = {en} } @techreport{FlachslandEdenhoferZwar, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Flachsland, Christian and Edenhofer, Jacob and Zwar, Claudia}, title = {Eine vertane Chance, aber keine Katastrophe: Die Novelle des Bundes-Klimaschutzgesetzes}, series = {Verfassungsblog}, journal = {Verfassungsblog}, number = {2024/05/06}, doi = {10.59704/2c0758cc33ed9dc3}, language = {de} } @techreport{HunoldPetrishcheva, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Hunold, Matthias and Petrishcheva, Vasilisa}, title = {Foreclosure and Profit Shifting with Partial Vertical Ownership}, series = {Berlin School of Economics Discussion Papers}, journal = {Berlin School of Economics Discussion Papers}, edition = {No. 41}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-5477}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-54774}, pages = {74}, abstract = {We demonstrate how the incentives of firms that partially own their suppliers or customers to foreclose rivals depend on how the partial owner can extract profits from the target. Compared to a fully vertically integrated firm, a partial owner may obtain only a share of the target's profit but influence the target's strategy significantly. We show that the incentives for customer and input foreclosure can be higher, equal, or even lower with partial ownership than with a vertical merger, depending on how the protection of minority shareholders and transfer price regulations affect the scope for profit extraction.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Leichthammer, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Leichthammer, Arthur}, title = {Mining for Tomorrow: The strategic importance of critical raw materials for Europe's industry}, pages = {6}, abstract = {Arthur Leichthammer, Geoeconomics Policy Fellow at the Jacques Delors Centre, argues that the EU needs a strategic rethink to safeguard its critical raw materials supplies as global competition intensifies.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Quaritsch, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Quaritsch, Luise}, title = {Political Advertising in the 2024 European elections - Between Europeanisation and the protection of electoral integrity online}, pages = {8}, abstract = {Election campaigns are increasingly conducted online. Social media platforms in particular shape political discourse and facilitate new ways of delivering political messages. This was initially considered a boon for democracy, but opaque manipulation tactics quickly turned it into a threat to fair and transparent elections. National regulatory frameworks have often proved to be inadequate for online campaigns and the transnational nature of European elections. The EU has reacted to this with a regulation on political advertising. The initiative facilitates transnational campaigning online and aims to protect the integrity of European elections. The 2024 European elections will be the first time EU rules operate in this area, putting these to the test. This election cycle will indicate whether political actors are striking out for more cross-border campaigns and whether they suffice to protect European elections. Critical here is how online platforms implement the new rules and how transparent they are about campaign-related posts on their sites.}, language = {en} } @techreport{Shahini, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Shahini, Besa}, title = {Towards Enlargement - How to Rebuild Trust in the EU Accession Process}, pages = {8}, abstract = {EU enlargement has historically fostered economic growth and political stability. In the Western Balkans, however, the process has stalled for many years due to the myriad crises afflicting the EU and failure to deliver reforms in the Western Balkans. This policy brief examines the evolution of the EU accession process, the challenges faced by candidate countries, and the need for a revitalized approach that builds reforms into the accession process rather than keep them a precondition for kickstarting it. It calls for the EU to remove bilateral disputes from the process and open accession talks with all candidate countries in all areas covered by the acquis, ensuring that all candidate countries have a fair chance based on their merits.}, language = {en} } @phdthesis{Lohse, author = {Lohse, Anna Prisca}, title = {Higher Education in an Age of Disruption: Comparing European Internationalisation Policies}, publisher = {Palgrave Macmillan}, address = {Cham}, isbn = {9783031579110}, doi = {10.1007/978-3-031-57912-7}, school = {Hertie School}, pages = {XXIV, 338}, abstract = {This book investigates European higher education internationalisation policies during a period marked by extreme upheaval due to Brexit and the COVID-19 pandemic. Situating her analysis at the intersection of higher education research and policy studies, the author combines historical and sociological institutionalism to investigate how this time of disruption impacted higher education policies in England, France and Germany. Based on extensive qualitative data derived from expert interviews and document analysis, the study offers timely insights into dynamics of institutional change and stability in higher education governance, as well as implications for the future of cross-border education and internationalisation. The book will appeal to academics and students interested in education policy and the internationalisation of higher education.}, language = {en} } @article{HirthKhannaRuhnau, author = {Hirth, Lion and Khanna, Tarun M. and Ruhnau, Oliver}, title = {How aggregate electricity demand responds to hourly wholesale price fluctuations}, series = {Energy Economics}, volume = {135}, journal = {Energy Economics}, publisher = {Elsevier BV}, issn = {0140-9883}, doi = {10.1016/j.eneco.2024.107652}, abstract = {Electricity needs to be consumed at the very moment of production, leading wholesale prices to fluctuate widely at (sub-)hourly time scales. This article investigates the response of aggregate electricity demand to such price variations. Using wind energy as an instrument, we estimate a significant and robust short-term price elasticity of about -0.05 in Germany and attribute this to industrial consumers. As the share of consumption that is exposed to real-time prices (currently less than 25\%) expands, we expect the aggregated price elasticity to grow.}, language = {en} } @incollection{KreyenfeldSchmauckMika, author = {Kreyenfeld, Michaela and Schmauck, Sarah and Mika, Tatjana}, title = {Der Wandel der Lebensformen und seine Bedeutung f{\"u}r die Alterssicherung in Deutschland}, series = {Gerechte Rente: Sozialethische Perspektiven einer interdisziplin{\"a}ren Sondierung der Alterssicherung}, booktitle = {Gerechte Rente: Sozialethische Perspektiven einer interdisziplin{\"a}ren Sondierung der Alterssicherung}, editor = {Karger-Kroll, Anna and Sch{\"a}fers, Lars}, publisher = {Nomos}, isbn = {978-3-7560-1712-6}, publisher = {Hertie School}, language = {de} } @article{AllcottGentzkowMasonetal., author = {Allcott, Hunt and Gentzkow, Matthew and Mason, Winter and Wilkins, Arjun and Barber{\´a}, Pablo and Brown, Taylor and Cisneros, Juan Carlos and Crespo-Tenorio, Adriana and Dimmery, Drew and Freelon, Deen and Gonz{\´a}lez-Bail{\´o}n, Sandra and Guess, Andrew M. and Kim, Young Mie and Lazer, David and Malhotra, Neil and Moehler, Devra and Nair-Desai, Sameer and Nait El Barj, Houda and Nyhan, Brendan and Paixao de Queiroz, Ana Carolina and Pan, Jennifer and Settle, Jaime and Thorson, Emily and Tromble, Rebekah and Velasco Rivera, Carlos and Wittenbrink, Benjamin and Wojcieszak, Magdalena and Zahedian, Saam and Franco, Annie and Kiewiet de Jonge, Chad and Stroud, Natalie Jomini and Tucker, Joshua A.}, title = {The effects of Facebook and Instagram on the 2020 election: A deactivation experiment}, series = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences}, volume = {121}, journal = {Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences}, number = {21}, doi = {10.1073/pnas.2321584121}, abstract = {We study the effect of Facebook and Instagram access on political beliefs, attitudes, and behavior by randomizing a subset of 19,857 Facebook users and 15,585 Instagram users to deactivate their accounts for 6 wk before the 2020 U.S. election. We report four key findings. First, both Facebook and Instagram deactivation reduced an index of political participation (driven mainly by reduced participation online). Second, Facebook deactivation had no significant effect on an index of knowledge, but secondary analyses suggest that it reduced knowledge of general news while possibly also decreasing belief in misinformation circulating online. Third, Facebook deactivation may have reduced self-reported net votes for Trump, though this effect does not meet our preregistered significance threshold. Finally, the effects of both Facebook and Instagram deactivation on affective and issue polarization, perceived legitimacy of the election, candidate favorability, and voter turnout were all precisely estimated and close to zero.}, language = {en} } @techreport{StieweXuEickeetal., type = {Working Paper}, author = {Stiewe, Clemens and Xu, Alice Lixuan and Eicke, Anselm and Hirth, Lion}, title = {Cross-border cannibalization: Spillover effects of wind and solar energy on interconnected European electricity markets}, publisher = {arXiv}, doi = {10.48550/arXiv.2405.17166}, pages = {25}, abstract = {The average revenue, or market value, of wind and solar energy tends to fall with increasing market shares, as is now evident across European electricity markets. At the same time, these markets have become more interconnected. In this paper, we empirically study the multiple cross-border effects on the value of renewable energy: on one hand, interconnection is a flexibility resource that allows to export energy when it is locally abundant, benefitting renewables. On the other hand, wind and solar radiation are correlated across space, so neighboring supply adds to the local one to depress domestic prices. We estimate both effects, using spatial panel regression on electricity market data from 2015 to 2023 from 30 European bidding zones. We find that domestic wind and solar value is not only depressed by domestic, but also by neighboring renewables expansion. The better interconnected a market is, the smaller the effect of domestic but the larger the effect of neighboring renewables. While wind value is stabilized by interconnection, solar value is not. If wind market share increases both at home and in neighboring markets by one percentage point, the value factor of wind energy is reduced by just above 1 percentage points. For solar, this number is almost 4 percentage points.}, language = {en} } @techreport{LindemannStoetzer, type = {Working Paper}, author = {Lindemann, Korinna and Stoetzer, Lukas F.}, title = {The Effect of Televised Candidate Debates on the Support for Political Parties}, doi = {10.48462/opus4-5438}, url = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:kobv:b1570-opus4-54385}, pages = {72}, abstract = {During campaigns for legislative elections, a large portion of the general public follows televised debates between the front-running candidates. How can the candidates use the public interest in the debates to increase the support for their party? In this article, we argue that especially challenger candidates can improve the public perception of their valence qualities, such as personal integrity, leadership, and competence, and can - as a result - improve the support of their parties. We expect the perceived policy stances of the candidates to matter less, as parties often already have well-defined policy profiles that matter to voters. Building on televised debate experiments during the German Federal Elections of 2009 and 2013, we analyse the effect of the debates on party vote and in how far this relationship is mediated by changes in valence and policy evaluations of the candidates. Results show that changes of candidate valence, but not changes in policy perceptions, of the social-democratic front-running candidates mediate the vote intention for the party. Respondents who perceived the candidates more competent, empathetic and have integrity as a result of the debate are more likely to vote for their party. Our analysis further reveals, however, that this valence effect does not carry-over to vote intention briefly before the election.}, language = {en} } @article{BarronDitlmannGehrigetal., author = {Barron, Kai and Ditlmann, Ruth K. and Gehrig, Stefan and Schweighofer-Kodritsch, Sebastian}, title = {Explicit and Implicit Belief-Based Gender Discrimination: A Hiring Experiment}, series = {Management Science}, journal = {Management Science}, issn = {0025-1909 (print)}, doi = {10.1287/mnsc.2022.01229}, abstract = {This paper studies a key element of discrimination, namely, when stereotypes translate into discriminatory actions. Using a hiring experiment, we rule out taste-based discrimination by design and test for the presence of two types of belief-based gender discrimination. We document evidence of explicit discriminators—individuals who are willing to discriminate even when their hiring choices are highly revealing of their gender-biased beliefs. Crucially, we also identify implicit discriminators—individuals who do not discriminate against women when taking a discriminatory action is highly revealing of their biased beliefs, but do discriminate against women when their biased motive is obscured. Our analysis highlights the central role played by features of the choice environment in determining whether and how discrimination will manifest. We conclude by discussing the implications for policy design.}, language = {en} } @article{DessyMairXhauflair, author = {Dessy, Elodie and Mair, Johanna and Xhauflair, Virginie}, title = {Organizational diversity of social-mission platforms: Advancing a configurational research agenda}, series = {Information and Organization}, volume = {34}, journal = {Information and Organization}, number = {3}, issn = {1471-7727}, doi = {10.1016/j.infoandorg.2024.100514.}, abstract = {Social-mission platforms (SMPs), or platforms that facilitate the interactions between stakeholders across sectors and help them exchange resources to make progress on social and environmental problems, have emerged on a global scale. However, despite their prevalence, little is known about how SMPs organize to orchestrate collective efforts of social innovation. Taking stock of information systems and organizational literature on platforms, we identify four dimensions inherent in platform organizing (i.e., identity, boundary, governance, and technology). We then analyze three case studies to interrogate how these organizing dimensions manifest in SMPs. As a result, we offer a conceptual framework highlighting the trade-offs SMPs face, specifying the design choices they can make, and exposing the interdependences between dimensions. We further illustrate how these interdependences inform a configurational perspective of SMPs and suggest avenues to advance a configurational research agenda to deepen understanding of SMPs as effective vehicles to address Grand Challenges.}, language = {en} }