@article{Bunde, author = {Bunde, Tobias}, title = {Defending European integration by (symbolically) integrating European defence? Germany and its ambivalent role in European security and defence policy}, series = {Journal of European Integration}, volume = {43}, journal = {Journal of European Integration}, number = {2}, doi = {10.1080/07036337.2021.1877693}, pages = {243 -- 259}, abstract = {For many German policymakers, a commitment to European integration in defence is a necessary means to further the end of European integration in general - in stark contrast to French leaders who see European integration as the means to reach the end of a stronger European defence. Although there is general support for European defence cooperation and even integration among the German public and state elites, other ideational factors, most notably wide-spread anti-militarist attitudes, military planners' traditional embeddedness in NATO planning procedures, and a deep commitment to parliamentary control of the armed forces, present manifest hurdles for real capacity-building on the supranational level. As a result, German efforts to integrate defence policy within the EU have been largely symbolic, while real progress takes place in other (bilateral or minilateral and often German-led) frameworks. Berlin has thus contributed considerably to the increasing institutional fragmentation and territorial differentiation in European defence.}, language = {en} } @article{MejiaKreyenfeld, author = {Mejia, Cristina Samper and Kreyenfeld, Michaela}, title = {Marriage migration and women's entry into the German labour market}, series = {Journal of Family Research}, volume = {33}, journal = {Journal of Family Research}, number = {2}, doi = {10.20377/jfr-491}, pages = {439 -- 466}, abstract = {Objective: We analyse the employment patterns of childless first-generation migrants to Germany. In particular, we focus on the behaviour of female "marriage migrants". Marriage migrants are defined as individuals who married after their spouse had moved to Germany. Background: Demographic studies have illustrated that marriage migrants have particularly high childbirth rates upon arrival. There is, however, little empirical evidence on how the childbearing behaviour of migrant women is related to their employment behaviour. Method: We use event history techniques to study women's labour market entry after migration in relation to their childbearing behaviour. We draw on data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP). The analytical sample is restricted to immigrant women who moved while childless to Germany between 1990 and 2016 (n=981). Results: Compared to other groups, marriage migrants have very low chances of entering the labour market. Only 32 per cent of the migrants in our sample had ever participated in the labour market in the five-year period after their arrival in Germany. A large share of the differences between these migrants and other migrants can be attributed to the socio-demographic composition of these women, and to their tendency to transition to parenthood soon after their arrival. Conclusion: We argue that the low employment rates of female marriage migrants must also be viewed in the context of Germany's migration policies, which do not provide many routes for female third-country nationals to move to Germany. One of the few available channels is that of marriage migration. We conclude by discussing the social policy implications of these findings at a time when Germany is gradually becoming a dual-earner society.}, language = {en} } @article{FreudlspergerWeinrich, author = {Freudlsperger, Christian and Weinrich, Martin}, title = {Decentralized EU Policy Coordination in Crisis? The Case of Germany}, series = {JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies}, journal = {JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies}, doi = {10.1111/jcms.13159}, pages = {n/a -- n/a}, abstract = {Abstract Europeanization research found no general convergence towards centralized EU policy coordination, despite decentralized systems' comparatively slow and ineffective position-taking. Does this finding hold against the threat, urgency, and uncertainty exerted by recent years' polycrisis? We posit that decentralized systems indeed persist, albeit in a three-step reactive sequence in which situational centralization during crises dialectically reinforces decentralization in the long run. First, the prime minister's office harnesses a crisis to acquire hierarchical control of position-taking. Second, to exploit the deep expertise of the bureaucracy and maximize its bargaining power on the EU-level, it co-opts a lead ministry. Third, due to the institutional underpinnings of the decentralized system, the lead ministry, rather than the prime minister's office, eventually retains the administrative capacities created in crisis. We illustrate this causal mechanism in a comparison of the German government's EU policy coordination during the Eurozone and Schengen crises.}, subject = {-}, language = {en} }