"Vietnam is a developing economy which still has a relatively low productivity level compared to other countries in Asia. The high growth rates of the last two decades have improved the situation. This development process is related to the institutional structure of the country. Vietnam's system of education and training is part of this structure. An analyses of this system is given in the paper. It is related to the structure of the product markets and of the labour market. There are prospects that the high growth rates of the recent past can be sustained in the future."
"Die Autoren stellen eine innovative Methode zur regionalen Arbeitsmarktprognose vor. Diese verbindet zwei bekannte statistische Verfahren, die Regressionsanalyse und die Entropie-Optimierung. Als Datenbasis für eine Ex-Post-Prognose diente ein Panel der Beschäftigung in 11 Wirtschaftszweigen und für 327 Stadt- und Landkreise in Westdeutschland über 11 Jahre (1987-1997). Für den Zeitraum von 1995 bis 1997 wurde die Generalized Extrapolation-Methode (GEM) angewendet und deren Ergebnisse mit der tatsächlichen Entwicklung verglichen. Ihre Prognosegenauigkeit wird als höher bewertet als die herkömmlicher Methoden." (IAB)
"The last decade has been shaped by dramatic developments in international trade, international investment and production, both in terms of the scale of events and in terms of their qualitative nature. Intriguing questions have been thrown up concerning the labor market impact of these developments, notably welfare issues (the evolution of real wages, employment and unemployment), the distribution of income (the wage structure) and employment volatility. Path-breaking innovations in the theories of trade, location and the multinational firm allow a fresh look at these labor market effects. This paper takes stock of these theoretical innovations and contrasts these with the recent empirical research efforts to uncover the labor market implications of trade and FDI. We identify research gaps and highlight promising avenues for future research."
"The so-called Shift-Share-Regression is used to analyse the development of employment. This does not imply a deterministic decomposition such as in classical Shift-Share-Analysis (Dunn 1960; Loveridge and Selting 1998). Instead, Shift-Share-Regression is a powerful and flexible econometric tool, which is especially suitable for testing theory-based hypotheses. In a basic version it was introduced by Patterson (1991) as a method for analysing and testing regional industrial developments. In contrary to the deterministic Shift-Share-Analysis employment development was examined in a linear model. In Patterson's analysis the industrial sector structure was used as the sole determining factor alongside the location effects and the national trend, parallel to those of the deterministic analysis. Möller and Tassinopoulos (2000) extended Patterson's approach by an additional variable for regional concentration. Further theory-based influences were then integrated in various IAB analyses (Blien and Wolf 2002). Some results of these studies are presented below, following an overview of the method."
This book chapter provides an analysis of cabinet formation after the German election of 22 September 2013. It starts with the observation that the election of 2013 brought a radical change to the German postwar party system as the FDP disappeared from the Bundestag. Given the likely need for more coalitions across the traditional divide between centre-left and centre-right (for example, grand coalitions of CDU/CSU and SPD or new coalitions between CDU/CSU and Greens), the chapter focuses on mechanisms of conflict management. Based on the comparative literature on the issue, he analyses coalition governance in the new grand coalition under Merkel. After the traditional bargaining between party elites, the SPD conducted a vote of all party members for the ratification of the bargaining result. This was an insurance policy for the party leadership vis-à-vis its rank and file, a reassurance for the CDU/CSU that the SPD was really committed to the new coalition, and a relatively successful bargaining tactic on the part of the SPD as it lent credibility to the various 'red lines' formulated by the SPD prior to the negotiations. One key aspect of coalition governance was the allocation of portfolios. Both parties secured control of those ministries whose jurisdictions were crucial to their attempts to claim issue ownership vis-à-vis core voters. After some initial support for the grand coalition, the negotiations were accompanied by growing public scepticism. One key point was that the legislative strength of the new coalition would be overwhelming (with around 80 per cent of the seats in the Bundestag), and that the two opposition parties, the Greens and the Left Party, would be too weak to mount a sustained and effective parliamentary opposition. In addition, media commentators missed the ‘big projects’ which the new government, Merkel III, would tackle. However, the deal the parties agreed on in 2013 seemed more like a package of small, if socially costly, policy measures reminiscent of the collective result of log-rolling. It is also argued that the new coalition is in a precarious situation. Whether it will last its entire term (until 2017) will depend on a number of factors, especially any 'exogenous shocks' that it may be subjected to. In particular, however, it will depend on the parties' constant evaluation of the electoral risks arising from the coalition.