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This article takes the position that our contemporary overheated media environment lends itself to comfortable passivity, resulting in mental breakdown in the guise of the dark emotions: anxiety, melancholia and boredom. This is especially the case with the inevitable synergy of the upcoming technological transformations from genetic modification, virtual reality simulacra and artificial intelligence/robotics. After discussing the data from the World Health Organization regarding the stark increase of people across the globe suffering from depression and anxiety, this article weds the concepts of McLuhan’s hot-cool distinction with Fromm’s delineation of the productive character orientation. Following Fromm, this article argues that joy ensues from reason, productive labour and love–sorrow from ignorance, alienated work and indifference. When we willfully abrogate our responsibilities to self and other via non-participational mediated forms, we cede away our potential for growth and development. This leads to the emotional breakdowns of guilt, boredom, anxiety and melancholia. Viktor Frankl’s logo-therapeutic perspective is discussed as a counterbalance to the social effects wrought by our overheated technological environment. Frankl’s stress on phenomenological meaning as the cornerstone of existence provides a lens to understanding the affects of an over-reliance on technological gadgetry.
본 논문에서는 토니 모리슨의 첫 번째 소설 『가장 푸른 눈』과 최근 소설 『신이여 그 아이를 도우소서』에 등장하는 기독교인들을 에리히 프롬의 『소유냐 존재냐』에서 설명하는 두 가지 실존양식을 바탕으로 분석하여 작가의 신앙관을 추적하였다. 1970년에 발표된 『가장 푸른 눈』에는 세 명의 >소유양식<의 신앙인들인 폴린과 제럴딘 위트콤이 등장한다. 이들은 자신들의 입지를 위해 종교를 이용하고 피콜라의 정신분열 발생에 심각한 부정적 영향을 미친다. 2015년에 발표된 『신이여 그 아이를 도우소서』에서 부커의 고모 퀸은 >존재양식의 신앙인<으로 브라이드가 진정한 정체성을 형성하고 부커와의 사랑을 회복하는데 결정적인 역할을 한다. 기독교 신앙의 주요 속성을 >베푸는 사랑<으로 규정해온 토니 모리슨은 평생 >소유양식의 신앙인<들을 질타하고 >존재양식의 신앙인<이 되도록 촉구하며 독자들의 정신적인 성숙을 이끌어온 >존재양식의 신앙인<이다. 작가는 말년의 작품에서 기독교인들을 긍정적으로 평가하고 태아를 향한 축복 기도를 작품의 제목으로 삼을 만큼 신앙을 향한 긍정적인 태도를 보여주고 있다.
Criminology (as the scientific study of criminal behaviour on the individual and social level) and psychology (as the science, which seeks to understand individuals and groups) pay special attention to motivation – a theoretical construction, used to explain behaviour. In this article the motivation of recipients of bribery is widely investigated. In addition to such well-established motives as greediness, selfishness, prevalence of personal interest, the author analyzes also other criminal behaviour determinants. The works, which are used in this research are of the following authors: John Broadus Watson, Edward Lee Thorndike (Behavioural); Sigmund Freud, Erich Fromm (Psychoanalysis); Carl Rogers, Abraham Maslow (Existential-humanistic theories); William Isaac Thomas (Thomas theorem); Florian Witold Znaniecki (sociological theory); Erik Homburger Erikson (theory on psychosocial development of human beings); Jean William Fritz Piaget (theory of cognitive development); Herbert Lefcourt, Ronald Smith (>Locus of Control<) etc. As the result of this research the author has concluded that bribe-takers’ behaviour is determined by such psychological constructs as the desire for power, fear, envy, mental deflections, mania, feeling of exclusion, the need for extreme, oppressed creativity.
This dissertation tries to prove that the so-called philosopher on the throne can be a better ruler not only than dictator but also than contemporary liberal democratic politician. Since the sixth century BC, when the human undertook a systematic and critical contemplation upon surrounding reality, she/he has begun to dream about political rulers to be guided in their doings by the imperative of reason. In principal, the higher level of spiritual culture characterized the rulers, the more likely their subjects were to live to a great age in relative peace. That is why for centuries it has been dreamed of a political system that is something like a kind of a sophocracy. The most complete picture of such a sovereign, which fulfilled dreams about a sage in the crown, was outlined by Plato in his State. In his point of view, as long as the lovers of wisdom will not have royal power in the states, or the rulers will not begin to love wisdom honestly, there is no help for states and for the human race. Nevertheless, over the centuries, authority was enforced mainly by physical strength and not by reason. It was not until the twentieth century that democracy brought freedom and equality of rights, thanks to which political power became more rational. Unfortunately, also contemporary liberal democracy is not free from fundamental contradictions that can bring about its collapse. The main contradiction is the increasingly smaller influence of citizens – who in the theory of democracy are the only legal sovereign – on political decision-making. This is accompanied by the enhancing influence of entities with no democratic legitimacy, e.g. global corporations that do not care about the common (public) good, but only about their own. These entities use the growing intellectual and ethical weakness of democratic politicians whose purpose is their own particular interest and not the happiness (good) of their citizens. This may indicate a slow system disintegration. For this reason liberal democracy needs politicians who are wise enough to realize this threat. Of all the people in the history of the world who led political communities, to the Platonic ideal in the highest degree (among others, like T. G. Masaryk and Á. Göncz) got closer the man who, paradoxically, never wanted to be a ruler. Václav Havel's thought is a critique of both Soviet post-totalitarianism and Western democracy. In his opinion both systems, though to a different degree, alienate a human trying to reduce her/him to the role of a machine's cog. Havel proposes that every citizen take individual and global responsibility for herself/himself and the whole world, because only in this way she/he can consciously exert real influence over political decisions. What is more, this is the only way to build a politics that aims – if possible – the happiness of every person. Havel realizes that in today's world this attitude is extremely impractical and very difficult to apply in everyday life. Nevertheless, he knows no better possibility.
Sosyal Araştırmalar Enstitü’sü, eleştirel perspektifi daima göz önünde bulundurarak çalışmalarını yürüten, tarihsel süreç içerisinde birçok konu, olay ve sorun olarak gördükleri alanlarda çalışmalarda bulunan Almanya merkezli bir okuldur. Enstitü üyelerinin yayımlanan çalışmalarında tarih, sosyoloji, siyaset bilimi gibi başat alanlar göze çarpar niteliktedir. Psikanaliz konusundaki çalışmaları ise diğer alanlara göre oldukça sayılı fakat bir o kadar da incelenmeye değerdir. Bu çalışmada, Enstitü’ye katıldığı ilk dönemde kendisini NeoFreudcu olarak addeden Erich Fromm’dan yola çıkarak Enstitü üyelerinin psikanalizle ilgili çalışmaları incelenmiş ve üyelerin bu bilimsel alana olan olumlu-olumsuz görüşleri ele alınmıştır. Çalışmanın amacı, birçok alanda sosyal bilimler adına çok değerli çalışmalara imza atan bu kuramcıların psikanalize ve Freud’un kuramlarına bakış açılarını yansıtmak ve psikanalizi kendi çalışma larında nasıl kullandıklarını belirlemektir.
>으르렁<은 젊은 세대 대중음악을 대표하는 노래 가운데 하나다. 이 노래는 젊 은 세대에게 크게 인기를 끌었다. 이 노래는 철학적으로 >매우 위험한< 노래다. 으르렁대는 야만적인 무한경쟁의 심리가 드러나 있다. 이 논문은 그 노랫말을 니체와 프롬의 철학으로 되짚어 보고 그 철학적 까닭과 해법을 찾아보았다. 니체의 철학으로 보면, 그 철학적 까닭은 시기, 곧 타자 부정이며, 그 해법은 긍 정, 곧 자기 긍정이다. 자기가 사랑하는 이성을 사랑하는 다른 동성들에게 으르렁대는 까닭은 자기보다 뛰어난 이에 대한 불안이나 두려움 때문이며, 그 바탕에는 열등감과 시기심이 깔려 있다. 무엇보다 먼저 자기를 가치 있는 사람으로 긍정하면, 열등감과 시기심에 빠지지 않고, 자기보다 뛰어난 이에 대해 불안이나 두려움을 가질 필요가 없으므로 다른 이들에게 으르렁대지 않을 거다. 프롬의 철학으로 보면, 그 철학적 까닭은 소유를 지향하는 삶의 마음가짐이며, 그 해법은 존재를 지향하는 삶의 마음가짐이다. 다른 동성들에게 으르렁대는 까닭은 이성을 독차지하려는 소유를 지향하는 삶의 마음가짐 때문이다. 무엇보다 먼저 존재를 지향하는 삶의 마음가짐을 가지면, 사랑의 존재, 곧 사랑의 과정 및 경험 그 자체를 중요하게 여기므로 이성을 독차지하지 못하거나 잃어버릴까봐 불안해할 필요가 없기에 다른 이들에게 으르렁대지 않을 거다. >으르렁<으로 미루어 짐작하건대 우리 젊은 세대는 자긍심보다 열등감이나 시기 심이 강하고, 존재를 지향하는 삶의 마음가짐보다 소유를 지향하는 삶의 마음가짐이 강한 경향이 있다. 우리 나이든 세대의 유산일 게다. 걱정되는 것은 그러한 경향이 더 노골적이고 거칠어졌다는 점이다. 철학자만의 잘못은 아니다. 무한경쟁을 낳는 사회 구조적 원인이 가장 큰 탓이다. 하지만 철학자의 탓이기도 한 만큼 우리 철학자들이 젊은 세대의 자긍심이나 존재를 지향하는 삶의 마음가짐을 북돋우는 데 힘써야 한다.
Filozofia jest bogatym źródłem alternatywnych narracji opisujących, w jaki sposób powinniśmy chronić prawa człowieka; narracji, które rozwinęły się w czasach istnienia XX-wiecznych rządów totalitarnych. Niniejsza książka skupia się na myśli dwóch filozofów tego okresu – Ericha Fromma i Isaiaha Berlina. Analiza ich przemyśleń pozwala na ukazanie nowej filozoficznej koncepcji państwa i prawa opartej na wartościach godności ludzkiej i solidarności, uzasadnianych za pomocą argumentów odmiennych od >tradycyjnie uniwersalistycznych<. W koncepcji tej, zakorzenionej w ludzkim doświadczeniu, prawo musi uwzględniać zmieniające się okoliczności, być nakierowane na utrzymanie chwiejnej równowagi między różnymi i czasami przeciwstawnymi wartościami. Rozważania filozofów są zaskakująco aktualne i ukazują, że zagrożenia, które wystąpiły w XX wieku, czyhają na nas także dziś.
One of major challenges facing contemporary psychiatry is the insufficient grasp of relationship between individual and collective mental pathologies. A long tradition of diagnosing >mental illness< of society – exemplified by Erich Fromm – stands apart from approach of contemporary social psychiatry and is not perceived as relevant for psychiatric discourse. In this Perspective article, I argue that it is possible to uphold the idea of a supra-individual dimension to mental health, while avoiding the obvious pitfalls involved in categorical diagnosing of society as suffering from mental illness. I argue for an extended notion of public mental ill-health, which goes beyond the quantitative understanding of mental health as an aggregate of individual diseased minds captured in statistics, and which can be conceived as a dynamic, emergent property resulting from interactions of individual brains/minds in social space. Such a notion, in turn, presents a challenge of how to account for the interfacing between individual minds/brains and the collective mental phenomena. A suitable theoretical framework is provided by the notion of epidemiology of representations, originally formulated by cognitive anthropologist Dan Sperber. Within this framework, it is possible to highlight the role of public (material) representations in inter-individual transfer of mental representations and mental states. It is a suitable conceptual platform to explain how the troubling experiences with causal or mediating role on mental health, to a significant degree arise through a person’s direct interaction with material representations and participation in collective mental states, again generated by material representations.
Coetzee’s novel >Disgrace< addresses the question of dysfunctional inter-human relationships and explores the themes of domination, subjection, and character distortion in the context of the post-apartheid South Africa. In fact, this paper holds, >Disgrace< fictionalizes Coetzee’s concerns about the social deformation that springs from distorted relationality. According to Erich Fromm’s social thought, the apartheid regime represented an insane society based on sadistic domination and masochistic submission. It systematized sadomasochistic patterns of interpersonal relatedness and excluded horizontal relationships based on love and mutual care. Disgrace shows that how the same dynamics of intersubjective relationships still feature in the >new< South Africa. A parallel is, therefore, drawn between Coetzean ideas about deformed relationality and social deformation and Frommian symbiotic relatedness and sociocultural insanity. The apartheid’s spirit of insanity lingers in the post-apartheid period since its modes of human interactions persist. The transition from the earlier racist system to a genuine democracy, the novel suggests, sounds impossible unless love replaces sadomasochistic relationality.
In this article, I discuss in detail how Erich Fromm’s categories can help de-scribe Trump’s character, or >temperament,< a word used to characterize a major flaw in Trump in the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign and his rule as President by the end of the first year. In >The Anatomy of Human Destructiveness< (1973), Fromm engages in a detailed analysis of the authoritarian character as sadistic, excessively narcissistic, malignantly aggressive, vengeably destructive, and necrophiliac, personality traits arguably applicable to Trump. In the following analysis, I will systematically deploy key Frommian socio-psychoanalytic categories to Trump and his followers to show how they can illuminate Trump and authoritarian populism.