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Una targa per Erich Fromm
(1997)
Discussion of >A Socioeconomic Dimension of the Therapeutic Relationship< by Sonia Gojman de Millán
(1997)
Review Rayner, E.: Unconscious Logic. An Introduction to Matte Blanco's Bi-Logic and Its Uses
(1997)
Menschheitspolitik als Golabe Frage? Die Soziale Dreigliederung der Globalisierung – 12 Thesen
(1997)
Groddeck is not a fully recognised part of the history of psychoanalysis. Several reasons induce us to rediscover his work. He is the analyst of man's compulsion to symbolise, even if in doing so he remains an expression of late Romanticism with some aspects of irrationalism. He opens a way of understanding the relationship between psyche and body through the original concept of the It. His psychotherapeutic practice offers themes of reflection to present-day psychoanalytic research. Many psychoanalysts refused Groddeck's unconventional and provocative activity and his declarations against science. Other psychoanalysts had friendly relations with him, particularly Ferenczi, Frieda Fromm-Reichmann and Fromm. They learnt deeply from his example of creative and independent thought and love of truth.
La comunicación de¡ silencio
(1997)
Zeitschrift für Humanistische Sozialwissenschaft, Tübingen (Selbstverlag), No. 1 and 2, 1997, 96 p.
(1997)
The paper discusses what the author calls >The seduction by the father<. It would occur when, in the Oedipus complex, the father reverses his role: instead of being the one who castrates, he seduces. Seduction here is understood in the sense that he does not act as the one who imposes limits to the child. Consequently the child can not project his hostile impulses onto the father. – Based on clinical data, the Author says that, in the male child, the seduction by the father hampers the transformation of the two Oedipal attitudes towards the father into identifications. The consequences of this fact upon the construction of the >nostalgia of the father's protection< are discussed, so as the transformation of this father into the symbolic father.
After Erich Fromm died in 1980, the White Institute had a formal ceremony and published an issue of its quarterly journal devoted to his work. He had left papes behind, and since his death a permanent archive has been established by Rainer Funk in Germany. Fromm's home was in Locarno-Muralto, where he lived from 1967 until his death. This paper was delivered on the occasion of the dedication ceremony of a memorial plaque to him there. – It discusses the author's experiences working with Fromm as his supervisor at the William Alanson White Institute. It also describes the founding of the IFPS in 1962. It was founded by a small group of representatives of analytic societies: myself as representative of the William Alanson White Society, Erich Fromm as representative of the Mexican Psychoanalytic Society, Werner Schwidder of the D.P.G., and Caruso from the Austrian organization. Fromm had neglected to note that the Olympics were being held in Mexico City in 1968, and was forced to postpone the Third International Forum until 1969. In the interim, Fromm suffered a heart attack in Switzerland. He called me from Locarno-Muralto and asked me to cover all the necessary arrangements in the U.S. and Europe for a world-wide psychoanalytic event, the Third Forum of the IFPS. Fromm was an only child in a very devout family and was brought up in the talmudic tradition. When he came to the U.S. he gave up his religious practice. Fromm's relationship to Freud was complicated. It is known he never made contact with Freud; on the other hand, he had difficulty giving up some of Freud's theories. He had difficulty letting go and showing his own capacity as an analyst. His creative approach was not recognized by many psychoanalysts, though he introduced many novel aspects and worked in a style that has become accepted among psychoanalysts. He was not always recognized as a person of outstanding ability, and doubts were raised about his qualifications as an analyst. An understanding of his clinical work was hampered by the confidential nature of much of his work in Mexico. But eventually his insights were recognized. The commemoration of his life confirms his importance as someone with knowledge ahead of his time.
The relationship between myth and delusion and the difference between them is related to open and closed states of mind. While the myth has the creative potential of flexible and open symbolisations the delusion is marked by its symbolic poverty and rigid structure. These issues are discussed in relation to clinical material concerning a psychotic patient and his delusions. Countertransference played a crucial role in the development of the analyst's understanding of the process. The interchange between Oedipus and Teiresias in the Oedipus myth is used as a further illustration of how a personality can fall victim to a closed state of mind. The closed state of mind and the delusion are characterised by omnipotence and hatred of life. Finally an example of this universal conflict between destructive omnipotence on the one hand and love and joyful concern on the other is found in a dream of a less disturbed patient. This dream, like myth, articulates the conflict and invites further psychic work on the temptation of totalitarian states of mind.
Christian Images of God
(1997)
Religion can be viewed very differently by different individuals. For some people it forms the basis of emotional safety while others regard it as the main obstacle to true humanity. One reason for this wide variance of opinion lies in the different ways that God can be perceived even within the same religious tradition. He can, for example, appear as a cosmic sadist torturing men eternally or as the vicariously suffering Christ sharing and containing the evils of mankins. – These and other images of God are analyzed by a systematic psychoanalytic instrument constructed upon the object relations theory. It describes five inner objects created by different partial drives or aspects of these drives. The inner objects are regarded as unconscious phantasies in the Kleinian sense. Five corresponding analoguous emotional images of God are abstracted from the Christian tradition.
On his only visit to Greece, Sigmund Freud experienced brief but unsettling feelings of alienation as he stood on the Acropolis. Haunted by this experience, Freud did not succeed in analyzing it to his own satisfaction until 32 years after the event, in 1936. His interpretation, that he had felt guilt about superseding his father, did not convince most of the critics who have commented on it. The aim of this essay is to demonstrate that while Freud's critics were right in sensing that his explanation was only partial, none were able to decipher his secret. Prominent among the reasons for these repeated failures was lack of acquaintance with the Acropolis itself. Anyone standing where Freud stood becomes enabled to understand otherwise incomprehensible details of his essay. Seeing what Freud saw, however, still is not enough unless one also attempts to acquire some of his knowledge of archaeology and mythology. His competence in these areas made him aware of contradictions (e.g. between classical and archaic architecture and myth) that do not trouble the casual tourist. But his knowledge also furnished him with the tools for mastering his anxiety, turning fear of death into confidence in immortality, and gratifying desires even more ambitious than that of superseding his father.
Editor’s Introduction
(1997)
Erich Fromm
(1997)
Fromm, Erich Pinchas
(1997)
Two clinical vignettes are described. I wish to show how much an open recognition of the social conditions of both participants in a treatment process may enrich the analyst's understanding of the transference-countertransference dynamics. I claim that although analysts intuitively integrate this aspect of the therapeutic relationship they commonly do it without a specific formulation. In an explicit and systematic manner, Fromm emphasized the social dimensions of human experience. His background knowledge of the social sciences framed his therapeutic practice. The clinical implications which derive from this perspective will be illustrated. The clinical material which I present shows how today's psychoanalytic attention to the dynamic interaction between analyst and patient while it enables us to deal with the complexity and different layers of the treatment process can also include the social dimension. The benefits and difficulties of developing our consciousness about our own social roles and our involvement in the social milieu deserve our careful and critical attention.
Reply
(1997)
Fobias a los animales
(1997)
La magia de ser niño. Comentario sobre: Don Travesuras y Don Prisas. Obra de Roger Hargreaves
(1997)
Premessa del curatore
(1997)
The association of psychic trauma to masochistic behavior, either erotogenic or moral, and to depression has been repeatedly ascertained in the psychoanalytic literature. The following report is about the case of a patient with a traumatic childhood, who engaged in erotogenic masochistic behavior and intermittent depression combined with moral masochism. The evolution of the case shows that whenever the patient was threatened by separation anxiety he resorted to erotogenic masochism so as to handle the trauma of separation and maintain his self integrity. On the other hand, when severe exogenous traumatic events such as actual loss of a significant other occurred, caused the erotogenic masochism to fail as a defense, the patient regressed to an immobilized narcissistic state, characterized by severe depressive symptomatology with moral masochistic elements. It was as if his catatonic form of reaction enabled him to achieve a symbiotic union with his internal objects and prevent further psychotic disorganization.
The author tries to illuminate H.S. Sullivan's complex professional identity. With E. Fromm he shared a basic humanistic orientation, and also the project of creating an interdisciplinary new science of man. This is the perspective he inherited from W.A. White, who tried to make psychoanalysis a major ingredient of psychiatry and social science. Sullivan's pioneer work with schizophrenic patients changed the prognosis of these patients, represented the basis of his interpersonal theory of psychiatry and of his collaboration with Chicago social science. Not only is the epistemological sophistication of his definition of psychiatrywhich includes the biological, intra- psychic, cultural and social dimensions-very relevant today, but so is the work he conducted, through the Washington School of Psychiatry (1936) and the journal Psychiatry (1938), with the aim of creating what he called a >psychiatry of peoples<, leading to world peace and greater social justice. In his view, psychoanalysis was more than a profession: it was a fundamental instrument of personal, cultural and social change.
The paper discusses Frieda Fromm-Reichmann's theoretical contributions on the psychotherapy of psychoses and refers it to other authors' views. Today widely accepted, she stressed transference and countertransference as es-sential issues in the treatment of severely disturbed patients. She disagreed with authors like Federn who interpreted the concept of regression in a way that to treat schizophrenics means to treat children of different ages. Different from Federn, she advocated interpretations also of the positive transference to show the patient where he stands in life. Later on, Fromm-Reichmann opposed John Rosen and his direct analysis interpreting first the contents of the psychotic's speech. She stressed the form of the interaction and of the everyday behaviour where she saw where the patient stands in the world. The discussion shows that Fromm-Reichmann developed her theories and practice in cooperation and discussion with other psychoanalysts working with psychotic patients.
The interpersonal tradition in psychoanalysis evolved out of the deterministic tradition. >Where it was, there I shall be< was revised to >Where I am, there it shall be<. The interpersonal point of view regards memory as a function of current experiences; the field of interaction of primary importance. Values, which are learned in the process of growth, are internalized as feelings, influence and are influenced by perceptions. Theri integration makes for self-definition. Under an aegis of safety, interpersonal analysis is made manifest by the scrutiny of feelings of irrelevance and dismissal which have colored self-definition. Since the interaction with the analyst is a recapitulation of the patient's content, the mutual addressing of where both patient and analyst are with each other makes the analysis manifest. This is the interpersonalist's valuation of the >how< over the >what<. Data from the analysis of a young married writer highlight these issues, especially the contradiction of the implicit analytic demand for change and its evident regard for the patient as he is. Any patient must confront the desire to discard an old self-definition and engage an uncertain, unknown future. The analytic relationship is seen as duplicitous when it cannot deliver justice. It relies on the restlessness of the patient to move to a current novelty by encouraging curiosity. Change comes from the inside out. For the patient, it is a leap of faith into a new self-definition of relevance with an emphasis on the usefulness of enduring in an uncertain world.
Los animales, personales en el mundo de los niños. (= colección diálogos 2), México 1997, 124 p.
(1997)
Prefacio
(1997)
Prefacio
(1997)
Cinco historias entrelazadas
(1997)
This study of the composition and structure of the Psychological Wednesday Society and the Viennese Psychoanalytical Society during its existence (1902 to 1938) is a contribution to the history of the psychoanalytic movement and an enlargement of the historiographical and empirical basis of psychoanalysis. Traditional opinions about the Wednesday Psychological Society and the Viennese Psychoanalytical Society which tend to be based on generalized observations about groups within the societies can be compared and corrected. The first chapter contains an overview of the development of the membership size: which persons were accepted in which year, the fluctuations of the membership size during this period. The following data on all 150 members is listed in the addendum to the text: first and last name, date and place of birth and death, duration of membership, and year and country of exile. This study, with the aid of tables and figures, presents the size and movement of the group and its structural tendency after World War 1 to become more homogeneous with regard to sex, age, religion and profession. Furthermore, it defines more closely the continuation and discontinuation of the movement. The fluctuations of the membership size are presented in the context of the history of the societies and in relation to the events in the history of this period. Information is given on the average age of members at admission to the group, duration of membership, on the relation of native and foreign members, and the hierarchy within the society. In a total overview of the period, a trend from the initial heterogeneous- harmonic group dynamic to a homogeneous structure is recognizable. The observations in connection with training psychoanalyses, later professional practice and scientific productivity show interesting sex-specific differences. Along with the special role which women played in theViennese Psychoanalytical Society, it is characteristic of this group, that for almost all members, psychoanalytical publications can be traced. The second chapter is concerned with the geographic origin, the familiar milieu and religious background. This field of study is also well known to the scientific Freudbiographic and can be expanded to all the members.Fifty psychoanalysts were, like Sigmund Freud, the daughters and sons of Jewish immigrants from countries of the Hapsburg monarchy. They moved to Vienna either with their parents or alone for school or university education or for professional training. The figures arrived at by the analysis of data regarding 150 members over the 36 year period show that one forth of the total number of members were non-Jewish. After the First World War, the percentage of Jewish members of the Viennese Psychoanalytical Society increased. The group of analysts became more homogeneous with regard to religion and the professional spectnim. Also included in the text are data on emigration, exile and the meaning of women's participation in the Viennese Psychoanalytical Society
Perwije prinzipe philosophskoi anthropologii, Wolgograd (Isdatelstwo Wolgogradskowo) 1997, 195 p.
(1997)
Escribir para niños: un reto
(1997)
Reminiscences of Erich Fromm
(1997)